They think outbreeding’s genocide caused by Cultural Marxism, Jewish porn lol!


Angela Nagle (7:53): They think (also) that women making the completely voluntary choice to have children with a non-White man is White genocide (laughs) you know, it’s just so ridiculous, I mean…
Matt Christman (8:05): interjecting sarcastically: Ah, excuse me, but, “cultural Marxism” much? Frankfurt School?
Angela Nagle (8:10): Laughs uproariously
Matt Christman (8:14): “It’s not of their own volition.”
Angela Nagle (8:14): laughing
Matt Christman (8:15): Porn! Jewish produced porn has brainwashed them into thinking that big dicks are more pleasurable to have sex with.
Angela Nagle (8:22): Continues to laugh in approval of the sarcasm.

Matt Christman (8:24): They literally believe that by the way.
It has always been theoretically uncomfortable when White advocates white knight or try to counter “the misogyny” of White advocacy regarding White mudsharks by suggesting that they are sheerly brainwashed by cultural Marxsim.
I have tended to lay off these arguments as I believe there is truth to cultural coercion and veritable psy-ops of cultural Marxism and demoralization through Jewish porn; and it is a help to take a step away from completely deterministic, objectivist arguments; better still, as opposed to the White genders blaming one another, as it is exceedingly painful to endure a singular perspective of sheer, uncoerced antagonism from people that you are born to love, it is helpful to look critically at Jews, who have in fact been egregiously critical of us and divisive of White men and women. These angles are true enough to consider along with being helpful to take the pressure off of gender antipathy and to put the social realm and culture (by which I mean rule structured practices) into play.
However, the cultural Marxism angle has always been insufficiently explanatory when dealing with “voluntary” miscegenation and White genocide. The little discourse above provides occasion for correction.
Angela Nagle might believe that outbreeding is not killing European genotypes; here White advocates haven’t done that bad in showing that it (coercion that suppresses breeding of a race) can meet with the UN definition of genocide.
Matt Christman might think that all White advocates believe miscegenation and outbreeding is only a result of brainwashing; and maybe some do. But his and Angela Nagle’s mockery exposes a puerility and weakness of their own argument, which calls for exploitation through the added sophistication of the hermeneutic circle.
White females, as any females, do have base drives that can incite genetic competition, miscegenation, incline toward strong black men with big weenies (though even I, in my distaste and disrespect for blacks on the whole, would not reduce miscegenation to only these causes), an inclination that can be activated under certain circumstances – such as by pandering to them in atavistic circumstances as in the disorder of modernity. However, for a self proclaimed leftist, Nagle is making a surprisingly reductionist, liberal, right wing argument in saying “it’s completely voluntary.” There are definitely cultural rule structures that are encouraging and promoting it; even more significantly, there are heavy taboos against criticizing it; literal laws against taking critical and opposing stances against it. These are cultural/ political violations of even the most reasonable and natural extent for mature White men (and women) to protect their kind.
This would be a part of the pleasure pain matrix that Matt Christman invokes. As White men overcome their right wing reactionary position and adopt the reality of social construction and the hermeneutic circle, they will not have to accept the “way it is-ness” of Matt Christman’s “white knighting” on behalf of mudsharks (likely overcompensating pandering for the fact that he is ugly – about as ugly as the typical black woman – and desperate to be in the good graces of Jews, if not part Jewish himself ….note, it seems that he is Jewish / surprise, surprise).
As we step into hermeneutics, we move beyond the tropism of the high contrast porn episode of the gargantuan black weenie and the White woman. But first, porn does some corrective favor in the sense that it is compelled to show that we White men can be quite well hung – so, if that’s what a woman feels she needs… Finally, porn does not tend to reveal the fact that blacks are not necessarily heavy hung; I don’t need to belabor this point here, except for the fact that their Not having a big weenie does not suddenly make them OK to intermarry with by our estimation. And as a very fundamental point, we are not discriminating against White guys with big weenies
Our kind was averse to blacks as children, before sexuality was even an issue, let alone weenies. After that it was the presumtuousness, arrogance, hyper-assertiveness, lack of impulse control and time horizon, aggression, brutal antagonism, violence and genetic destruction against our White kind by their being unleashed upon us. Things that the puerile might find titillating, perhaps puerile girls, but not us. Along the way, we noticed subtleties of our female co-evolutionaries which we found compelling; and the physicality of blacks generally displeasing by contrast, let alone their behavior and fall-out of their way of life.
We did not expect that we would be blamed for everything and told we owe them everything – including those we might hope to be our wives and daughters. We never could have imagined that we would be expected to accept this in servitude. We thought others would naturally think as we do, and though some naive adults thought it was a good idea to integrate us with blacks, when we got old enough, that we would join the rest of normal Whites who want to get away from them and be with Whites.
That didn’t happen in any articulate way. And we have to confront not only the fact of cultural Marxism, but that our enemies are playing the objectivist angle where it works against us – heavily now that they’ve hoodwinked the Alt Right and other large tracts of popular culture to argue against PC and “the left.”
We have to confront the fact of thrownness, that our group co-evolutionaries can miscegenate, but by the same token, thrownness, we are thereupon able to invoke and collaborate on cultural rule structures; it is not something that we have to accept as just the way it is, merely a voluntary choice that owes nothing to the tens of thousands of years of evolutionary struggle that went into our differentiation; along with its hundreds and thousands of years of social capital.
Even if they argue that some black guy might provide a more pleasurable moment and episode than some White guy, might be more confident (and coherent of identity, in part as a Jewish backed thug coalition) in the Jewish provoked disorder of modernity, where the rule structure of our guard and classificatory boundary is down, we can easily rebut that plenty of us White guys will provide not only quite fine moments, but as we rebuild our full class, a far more pleasurable and satisfying way of life than blacks can manage.
Furthermore, as we always hasten to add, inasmuch as she would oppose our freedom from association with others, blacks if we won’t, and would attempt to impose them and mulatto children upon us – force us into involuntary contract – in burden of our common resource, our social capital, then she is the right wing supremacist, would-be slave master, whom we are warranted to defend against, by whatever means necessary.
With that, rather than mocking and laughing at the servitude of black interests that has been imposed upon White men, we will be having the last laugh as we send miscegenators and their half cast broods to live with blacks and the way of life that they create. They will either accept that or the recognition that they are indeed the supremacists and slave masters who need to be overturned by any means necessary. Do you know Angela and Matt, a White guy might not want to be a slave, paying for the babies of the mudsharks who destroy the genome bestowed them through tens of thousand of years of struggle, might just find a White woman’s face and skin color more appealing, a European’s way of life more pleasurable?
Angela Nagle claims to be open to talking to people who are dealing in topics forbidden by PC. We have offered to talk to her and that remains a standing invitation.
Generational Astrology: Zodiac Sign of The Boomer Part 6

The issue is with right wingers and liberals as they are being played by Jews.
… as the inherent instability of their position in it’s purported warrant is taken to be beyond the social accountability and systemically stabilizing correctivity of praxis.
STEM Xer conduits of the right wing boomer cancer to subsequent generation internet bubble pipe-line.
It is an unfortunate part of this, therefore, that when I am forced to address one right wing expression, such as Nazism, that its proponents, such as Tanstaafl, exacerbated by his STEM tendency to look for “the one thing” that breaks/links the circuit” and false, absolute binary either/ors (unlike the reality of praxis) can double down in playing into the altercast, depicting anti-Nazism as “my big bugger bear”, to use his term, like it is my own myopic obsession; and my looking not just at Jews but at holes, vulnerabilities in our philosophical system as my being like Jared Taylor, trying to let Jews in and off the hook; when in fact, I am concerned to shore up our system (which unlike Jared Taylor does not include Jews; and does see them as being in profound adversarial position); but since I like and advocate all European peoples and their national sovereignty; and most importantly from my position, our coordination, it seems rather obvious that I should not have to deal with Nazism at all, of course would rather not, as it is bound to stir up conflict between Europeans, whether by trolls or by true believers – neither of whom I should have to deal with: it should be pretty obvious to anyone who cares about European/White peoples that we are ALL under attack in anti-racism; and that trying to redeem Hitler and Nazism is not a good idea. It is beyond impractical. As if its association with ethnonationalism hasn’t been stigmatizing enough. Trying to redeem and deny its genocidal supremacism and imperialism is not going to allow us to build trust, get along, coordinate and build alliance among our European race and it is not going to be practical in coordination with other races either. In my frustration and annoyance at having to deal with this, what I should be able to put aside, the Nazi trolls and the true believer then, like Tanstaafl is wont to depict my frustration and efforts to put Nazism quickly behind as my being on the other side of this false / either or, fooled or in league with the Jews; whereas he wants to believe that he and only the Nazi kind, recognize the significance of Jewry as a mortal threat.


(((They Look huWhite to Me!)))
Boomer Jared Taylor, one of the most prominent figures in White racial advocacy, has endeavored to carve out a niche of right wing White racial advocacy which deflects blame from Jewish power and influence and tries to depict them as belonging in our White advocacy group as much as possible – “they look huWhite to me” – as he has infamously said.
Perhaps he is not merely “trying to do that”, but earnestly believes that he is being so sublime in his right wing Objectivist purity spiral that he does not see them as particularly organized in their Relative interests, that they are, in good part, innocent of any pattern which would be proposed to hold sway over their biological trajectory.
In his purported Objectivity, which sure does rather seem motivated to see innocence in Jewish pattern (and wouldn’t that be nice if they really were on our side and not, indifferent, where not against us), he moves beyond focus on the Relative group interests of Jews in conflict with ours as a source of our problems and promotes a theory instead that the problem is largely in our native European psychology, viz. our “pathological altruism.”
For some of those heavily focused on the blame of Jewish power and influence for our circumstance as Whites, such as Alex Linder, this is contemptable, and this sort needs to be pushed out of White advocacy as they are missing and misrepresenting the source of our problems entirely – they are running misdirection for the enemy. Since I have not been implicated by Alex as being overly aligned, sympathetic (something like that) with Jared Taylor’s view, I can leave discussion of him aside
However, I do need to address the fellow traveler in Alex Linder’s view, i.e., STEM Xer, Tanstaafl, who did rather try to implicate me as being overly aligned, sympathetic (something like that) with Jared Taylor’s position when I attempted to defend Professor MacDonald for exploring the pathological altruism theory; while I understand that this is an angle which is inarticulate and insufficient for its psychological unit of analysis, it is not entirely wrong to try to look for where we, as Whites, are going wrong, why we are not better at defending ourselves. Certainly MacDonald can’t be accused of trying to put aside Jewish antagonism as Jared Taylor had; it is not as if I was trying to defend Jared Taylor.
I do, in fact, have an articulate explanation, a perfect radar tracking system, I like to liken it to – one which includes check points for us to look after in our systemic interests, infinitely better than “pathological altruism’, while at the same time maintaining key check points of Jewish power and influence, not removing them from blame, but Tanstaafl would not hear of it (more on that later). He said that he looks upon Jewry as a mortal threat; apparently suggesting that I do not take them seriously enough, and he alleges further that I use obfuscatory jargon – he’s not going to accept any more of that, as I already “write so much.” He claims further that my logic is poor; and that I have one big bugaboo, the Nazis, whom I should not be against, according to him – he wanted to make it clear to me that he has no problem with Hitler.
You see, while Tanstaafl is without proper philosophical bearing, he is nevertheless on heightened alert for anyone who might be misleading his folk, particularly keen as such to sniff out anyone who he thinks may be falling under the sway of Jews or their shabbos goy, like Jared Taylor, who apparently brought forth the notion of “pathological altruism” into circles of “White advocacy.”
And promoting this idea is not something in Jared’s past, that he has moved beyond.
In fact, to promote his theory of “pathological altruism“, which puts blame for the condition of Whites squarely on their own shoulders, Jared Taylor found occasion recently when being interviewed by the jolly Edward Dolton, who so Duttishly complies with the Jewish marketing scheme for White identity to be right wing, conveniently enough maneuvered there by Jewry to deflect from Jewish hegemony, right wing and liberal complicity and against any challenge to it which might come from “the left” – the accountability and systemic correctivity of White Left Ethnonationalism, that is.
Hearing this latest gambit of “pathological altruism” from Jared Taylor, one can almost – almost – understand Tanstaafl’s STEM x er myopic, paranoic reaction to me.
However, I don’t worry about his being able to distract too much from what Jewish interests are up to; it’s too obvious for even him to cover up. And I can’t for the life of me see how anyone who takes the least note of my efforts can construe me as being naïve to Jewish power and influence…. although people like Tanstaafl and his cohorts will try; therefore, I must look at their motives, because they are not looking honestly at what I bringing to bear.
Lets put right wing Boomer Jared Taylor behind, so that we may address the remiss of Xer’s and other generations who only serve to demonstrate the inherent instability of the right by over correcting as they do against red capes of the left, and by going further into their own right wing purity spirals also in reaction to his kind of right wing purity spiral, intent as they are on establishing absolute warranting principles above or below the correctivity of praxis … it is for the Xer who knows, to relieve the ping pong between Jared Taylor and Tanstaafl.
Note: I’ve corrected the following paragraph, as the way I’d written was very sloppy with regard to my own perspective, even. That is, I’d written the paragraph as if to suggest that the only problem with Jared Taylor’s outlook was that he was Jewish friendly; otherwise about as good as a White advocate can be.
I don’t know why I wrote it that way as it has never been my assessment of Taylor.
In fact, he gets several important things very wrong in the manner of the Boomer rightwingism that this series is set to correct. He gets several things very wrong. I don’t go into that here (for example, I don’t go into the way he goes along with the red cape of social constructionism, “race is just an optical illusion”)… but I do indicate that his kosher friendliness is not the only problem in the paragraph as it is written now. ..Wheew! I don’t know why I wrote it the way I did (tired, perhaps).
Jared is still Jared – he probably does good on balance in his (Boomer Objectivist) White advocacy despite being kosher friendly; again, he is not so bad only because, as indicated above, not even he can cover up the misdeeds of YKW; even while the likes of him and Dutton are being friendly to the kosher marketing perspective, its altercast for White identity and controlled discourse parameters thereof. At least in some recent interviews he’s explicitly addressing Jewish hypocrisy some – here – (a second video of this kind, addressing Zionist hypocrisy, is found below that one here) in terms of their disallowing ethnonationalism for others (viz., Zionism vs European ethnonationalism). However, like Ganucci, diaspora Jews can (with dubious judgment on his part) still be considered part of his own national ingroup provided that they toe/advance the marketing line against “the left.”.
Jared has begun to use the word “corrective”… that’s nice, it marks observation of some positive, sociological influence; and he has taken note of hypocrisy among Jewry, noting Zionists who do not extend the legitimacy of nationalism to Whites: but Jared has not really moved very far in an important way; he still considers European Jews to be (Hu)White; i.e., basically belonging in the same genetic category as Europeans and belonging to the European advocacy group provided that they toe the marketing line (against “the left”). This is extremely naïve; and it goes against the biological/genetic distinction between peoples that he is otherwise at pains to emphasize.
While those who take the right wing purity spiral so far in the focus on Jews that they do not see blacks as a problem are infuriating for their naivete, Jared is at the other extreme; we might be relieved that he has the courage to focus on blacks as antagonistic, his unwillingness to grant proper weight to the antagonism of Jewish power and influence to Whites is infuriating naivete.
It is as if Jared is purporting to be in such a purity spiral of right wing objectivism, to be so sublime that not only does he have the clear vision that Whites do not have to see their relative group interests as they should for their “pathological altruism”, but he is going to join them, and altruistically extend patterned innocence to Jews.
Along with Christians, Taylor’s brand of race realist objectivism, inasmuch as it would include Jews in our advocacy group, is one of two other major right wing camps that the platform that I set forth contrasts with and opposes – other than Nazism; that being the third major camp (a dishonorable mention for conspiracy theorists) – which puts the lie to Tanstaafl’s allegation that “Nazism is my big bugaboo.”
In fact, I’d rather not talk about Nazism and WWII at all. I have not the least desire to lay guilt trips on subsequent generation of Germans, and I don’t think that I should have to talk about it very much, as it was another generation, reacting as it did; and we should be able to see clearly now with 20/20 hindsight, what they might not have been able to see then, that we’re better off putting our valiant efforts to cooperation and coordination as European ethnonationalists rather than fighting, just because one nation, in that case Nazi Germany, thought it must reign in supreme imperialism over others.
But because STEM Xer Tanstaafl thinks Hitler was perfectly ok and, in his STEM predilection, must see “the one problem” breaking the circuit, he wants to believe, true to his keen focus that just like a Jew, or defender of Jews, my only concern is Nazism.
However, it is not simply Nazism that I must counter from our own ranks, but the full array of right wing reactionary positions, for their inherent instability, beyond the accountability and correctability of praxis as they are – you can see why people would be frightened by Jared Taylor’s socially gauche and deterministic thinking, short on social accountability as it is, even if he is “against Nazism and nice to Jews.”
The White radar tracking device, looks first for problems in its scan for
Jewish biopatterns / and elite niche power and influence and…
White Right Wing and Liberal Complicity, both stemming form objectivist grounds susceptible to naivete and disingenuous exploitation.
But I guess when you are as focused on one thing as STEM x er computer nerd Tanstaafl is, intent on false binaries to satisfy your STEM urge to parse out the one break in the link, you don’t see the systemic pattern than I’m attending to, our sovereignty scanning over in check points, not at all in remiss in taking Jews seriously enough, in setting them outside our group and foremost as anything on our radar tracking screen of problematic issues.
And with that, I am definitely not on Jared Taylor’s side, but rather dutifully attending to vulnerabilities, the holes in our system that allow for enemy infiltration, subversion, manipulation and maneuvering of our people against our interests.
Given that, for attempt to put aside the platform that I set forth (which is on entirely superior epistemological grounds) for his Hitler/Nazi redemptionist idea that the Jews are practically the only matter that we have to attend to, we’ve got to address a few more things about the STEM xer conduit of right wing boomer bullshit, Tanstaafl, before we move on to other Boomers and the heirs of their foolishness in subsequent generations.
Nicholas Katzenbach: Soft Spoken Evil.
“I am unhappy that The Supreme Court which gave us Brown has thrown what I believe to be unnecessary roadblocks on speeding up the process of racial integration and finally getting to the color blind society we would (want) but the direction we are moving in is clear, even if the pace is slower than it should be and in final analysis we owe that to the Court which had the courage and unaninimity to decide Brown.” – Nicholas Katzenbach
Nicholas Katzenbach: Soft Spoken Evil.

Notice how integration (which used to be the word that you would hear all the time back in the 60’s and 70’s) has given way to the word “diversity”, an innocuous and ecologically positive term, has been (((red caped))) as integration; and by which “activists” still mean forced integration

Nicholas Katzenbach (1922 – 2012):
“The resistance of the White South to integration and the determination of blacks to gain equal treatment was leading to increased danger and more and more violence.
There were very few laws to enforce. Enforcing Brown on any scale took time and resources. How many schools can be sued?
With the freedom riders, it became clear that legislation was needed; the Federal government had limited resources when it came to protecting unpopular free speech.
Violence continued and disjointed action required Federal legislation.
If we think of Brown as desegregating education it is a failure.
But the fault was neither that of Brown nor of the Court. The Court did in fact eliminate state supported segregation; it could not and did not eliminate discrimination based on other factors; property taxes; housing patterns, school district lines; including summary racial bias.
If we think of Brown in political terms it has accomplished much. It has abolished state segregation in all segments of our society.
No Justice could have predicted the impact of Brown but they all knew it was a turning point in our long history of racial prejudice.
Martin Luther King and the Southern church leaders seized upon the decision to seek rights far in excess of what the Courts had provided.
We (Katzenbach, Kennedies, Johnson, The Warren Court, Jewish leaders) had a good relationship with ‘Civil Rights’, (Civil Rights circa the 1964 Act meaning, a violation of freedom of/from association) leaders, but the Civil Rights leaders were always critical that we were not doing enough. I think they were quite right in taking that view….but we couldn’t figure out what it was that they wanted us to do…we did a great deal, but the answer had to be legislation, you had to have not only The President, not only The Attorney General, not even The Supreme Court as with The Brown Case, you really had to have The Congress and the people behind this; and you were not going to get anywhere until that happened.
The march on Washington (1963) was a glimpse of what America should be.
All speeches with blacks and Whites speaking in favor of integration.
Thanks to Dr. King and the many people that worked with him, his peaceful demonstrations (in truth, deliberately provocative of violence and legal response), thanks to television (framing and creating reaction to those “peaceful’ demonstrations, viz. provocations by which the media could misrepresent Whites as the aggressors) ‘people’ finally said that this was wrong, Republicans, Democrats both, and we were able to get that legislation passed.”
Katzenbach was a force in putting across the crucial (((red-caping))) of Lockeatine Civil Rights, having worked hard on drafting and passing that legislation – “The Civil Rights Act” (forced integration act, thus red-caped) of 1964.
I love pointing-out to people, right-wingers, who want to blame youth culture of the 60s as the onset and crux of our demise, that Jewish power and influence combined with their red-caping of Modernist principles and just plain Modernist naivete on the part of Whites (conserving liberalism), were the forces that were the major culprits – and they were well in force already in the 50s and early 60s, well before kids grew their hair long, listened to rock n’ roll and resisted the Vietnam draft.


Kennedy had been ignoring Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson’s advice, to “look Southerners in the eye and tell them that integration was a moral and Christian issue.”

As Katzenbach confronted Wallace, who postured as if to stand in the way of integration…
Watching Wallace’s posturing, President Kennedy decided for the first time in his career to risk his political standing in the South by taking the side of integration. President Kennedy decides to go on national television that night and give a speech calling for a civil rights act to end discrimination in the South.

“We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the scriptures and as clear as The American Constitution. The heart of the question is, whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities (He ‘finally’ calls for Federal law ending segregation). Next week I shall ask the Congress of The United States to act, to make a commitment that has not been fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law.
Along with Emanuel Celler, etl al., Katzenbach worked hard on drafting and passing that legislation – “The Civil Rights Act” (forced integration act) of 1964.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 made it unlawful for an employer to “fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions or privileges or employment, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.
Among other prohibitions against discrimination..
We have here in culmination, the ultimate in double speak (((red caping))) terms: “Civil Rights” equals being told whose babies we have to pay for, with whom we must study (Brown vs. Board of Education), whose children we have to educate (with precious knowledge, tortuously acquired in our sublimation), to whom we must rent, to whom we must sell, whom we must hire, and whom we must serve even in our private businesses – and this is called “freedom” – [!]
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 banned racial segregation “by businesses offering food, lodging, gasoline, or entertainment to the public.”
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 states that “An employer cannot discriminate against a person because of his interracial association with another, such as by an interracial marriage.”

Deputy Attorney General Nicholas D. Katzenbach working alongside a Kennedy clan willing to sell out and open its country to catastrophic integration in order to gain power, along with a similarly disposed Lyndon B. Johnson, not at all overtaken by W. Bush, who gave a run for worst President ever, sundry other Jews and objectivist Whites, oversaw departmental operations in desegregating the University of Mississippi in September 1962 and the University of Alabama in June 1963 – where Katzenbach (personally and symbolically moved Governor Wallace aside and) opened the door for non-Whites – also worked with Congress to ensure the passage of the Voting Rights Act, along with his 1964 Civil Rights Act, which received significant help in passing from yes, that Emmanuel Cellar, while facilitating Cellar’s special project, The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act.

Lyndon Johnson and Nicholas Katzenbach on the Immigration Bill:
This is an excerpt from a conversation between President Johnson and Attorney General Nicolas Katzenbach. The clip picks up with Johnson asking, “What’re you gonna do for me on my birthday? Get the immigration bill reported?” Katzenbach and Rep. Emmanuel Cellar (the key sponsor of the bill who happens to be in the office with LBJ at the time) then discuss the cap on western hemisphere immigration, which Cellar opposes.

Even freedom of association, as it does not account for full processual development of those within the class, would not be sufficiently deep by itself, were it allowed. But while that objectivist, rational blindness of Civil Rights was bad enough, Jewish interests perverted its meaning (((red-caped))) it to violate that freedom of association even, within the United States, with The 1964 Civil Rights Act, and on an international scale, even, with 1965 Immigration & Naturalization Act.
This is why not only the Abrahamic universalism of The Right, but its wedding to Enlightenment style objectivism (and universalism) must be overcome as well – and it is the post modern project, proper, which has undertaken to do that.
Of course none of this forced integration takes into account profound biological differences between groups of people and their demographic, reproductive patterns and the hideous destruction of imposed integration.
We can defeat the boundless mulatto supremacist hatred of the Jews, for Whites.
However, it will, in part, require overcoming the rational blindness of our Augustinian over-predilection, objectivism and sheer Enlightenment values… and those, like the Kennedy brothers, who served as shabbos goy with that (Ted fore-fronting the Immigration and Naturalization Act as an initiative that would “not change the demographic make up of America” … John and Bobby being water carriers for “Civil Rights”).
Nevertheless, Kennedy, in his intoxication of Enlightened Objectivism, set so much in motion, of what his predecessors had set forth and what his successors would follow through on, in such a short period of time…
Kennedy’s rational blindness in the purity spiral as such, caused him to contribute to the horrible misunderstanding of Vietnamese ethnonationalism as sheerly complicit with communist take-over in domino effect (whereas leading Vietnamese ethnonationalst, Hồ Chí Minh, had first appealed to U.S. assistance in pursuit of its ethnonational sovereignty), which got us into the Vietnam debacle for a strategy of showing strength against communism with “small wars.”

Katzenbach, in addition to being instrumental n putting over “civil rights” anti-discrimination/ integration legislation with both John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, was instrumental in Vietnam policy – defending President Johnson’s escalation of the war.
NY Times, ‘Nicholas Katzenbach, 90, Dies; Policy Maker at ’60s Turning Points’, 9 May 2012:
His six years in government put him in the thick of some of the major events of the ’60s. He advised President John F. Kennedy during the Cuban missile crisis, negotiated the release of Cuban prisoners captured during the Bay of Pigs invasion and pushed for an independent commission to investigate the Kennedy assassination. He was Robert F. Kennedy’s No. 2 in the Justice Department and took on J. Edgar Hoover, the pugnacious F.B.I. director, over his wiretapping of Martin Luther King Jr. As an under secretary of state, he defended Johnson’s escalation of the Vietnam War before Congress.
“Few men have been so deeply involved in the critical issues of our time,” Johnson wrote to him when Mr. Katzenbach left government in 1968.
Perhaps his tensest moment came on June 11, 1963, when he confronted George C. Wallace in stifling heat on the steps of the University of Alabama. Mr. Wallace was the Alabama governor who had trumpeted “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever” and vowed to block the admission of two black students “at the schoolhouse door.”
Mr. Katzenbach, in front of television cameras and flanked by a federal marshal and a United States attorney, approached Foster Auditorium, the main building on campus, around 11 a.m. Mr. Wallace was waiting behind a lectern at the top of the stairs, surrounded by a crowd of whites, some armed. “Stop!” he called out, raising his hand.
Mr. Katzenbach read a presidential proclamation ordering that the students be admitted and asked the governor to step aside peacefully. Wallace read a five-minute statement castigating “the central government” for “suppression of rights.”
I have not traced the connection and potential reasoning for it perfectly, but Katzenbach was apparently aware of the immanent likelihood of John F. Kennedy’s assassination. It would seem that Katzenbach was at least quite prepared to work with successors who were a part in thinking that Kennedy was somehow in the way (including Israel, possibly, which saw Kennedy as an obstruction to their gaining an independent nuclear deterrent).

Former Senate investigator, Harold Weisberg –
On Katzenbach’s premeditated directive that Oswald was to be strictly presented by the media as the lone assassin:

Weisberg: “Kennedy was killed on Friday, November 22nd, 1963. Lee Harvey Oswald was Killed by Jack Ruby on Sunday, the 24th of November (1963). Nicholas Katzenbach was the acting Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General – and he knew immediately that Oswald was not going to be tried. They didn’t have to put this evidence – autopsy evidence of Kennedy’s wounds indicating trajectory of bullets – into court:
…so, he (Katzenbach) takes a lawyer’s yellow legal pad and writes out in long hand a memorandum to Bill Moyers, that was the channel to Lyndon Johnson; and in essence he says we’ve got to convince the world that Oswald was a lone assassin and the evidence was such that he would have been convicted if he had gone to trial.

Addendum: L.B.J.'s Jewish ancestry and allegiance


5TJT, ‘Our First Jewish President Lyndon Johnson? – an update!!’ 11 April 2013:
by Morris Smith
A few months ago, the Associated Press reported that newly released tapes from US president Lyndon Johnson’s White House office showed LBJ’s “personal and often emotional connection to Israel.” The news agency pointed out that during the Johnson presidency (1963-1969), “the United States became Israel’s chief diplomatic ally and primary arms supplier.”
But the news report does little to reveal the full historical extent of Johnson’s actions on behalf of the Jewish people and the State of Israel. Most students of the Arab-Israeli conflict can identify Johnson as the president during the 1967 war. But few know about LBJ’s actions to rescue hundreds of endangered Jews during the Holocaust – actions that could have thrown him out of Congress and into jail. Indeed, the title of “Righteous Gentile” is certainly appropriate in the case of the Texan, whose centennial year is being commemorated this year. Appropriately enough, the annual Jerusalem Conference announced this week that it will honor Johnson.
Historians have revealed that Johnson, while serving as a young congressman in 1938 and 1939, arranged for visas to be supplied to Jews in Warsaw, and oversaw the apparently illegal immigration of hundreds of Jews through the port of Galveston, Texas….
A key resource for uncovering LBJ’s pro-Jewish activity is the unpublished 1989 doctoral thesis by University of Texas student Louis Gomolak, “Prologue: LBJ’s Foreign Affairs Background, 1908-1948.” Johnson’s activities were confirmed by other historians in interviews with his wife, family members and political associates.
Research into Johnson’s personal history indicates that he inherited his concern for the Jewish people from his family. His aunt Jessie Johnson Hatcher, a major influence on LBJ, was a member of the Zionist Organization of America.
According to Gomolak, Aunt Jessie had nurtured LBJ’s commitment to befriending Jews for 50 years. As young boy, Lyndon watched his politically active grandfather “Big Sam” and father “Little Sam” seek clemency for Leo Frank, the Jewish victim of a blood libel in Atlanta. Frank was lynched by a mob in 1915, and the Ku Klux Klan in Texas threatened to kill the Johnsons. The Johnsons later told friends that Lyndon’s family hid in their cellar while his father and uncles stood guard with shotguns on their porch in case of KKK attacks. Johnson’s speech writer later stated, “Johnson often cited Leo Frank’s lynching as the source of his opposition to both anti-Semitism and isolationism.”
Already in 1934 – four years before Chamberlain’s Munich sellout to Hitler – Johnson was keenly alert to the dangers of Nazism and presented a book of essays, ‘Nazism: An Assault on Civilization’, to the 21-year-old woman he was courting, Claudia Taylor – later known as “Lady Bird” Johnson. It was an incredible engagement present.
FIVE DAYS after taking office in 1937, LBJ broke with the “Dixiecrats” and supported an immigration bill that would naturalize illegal aliens, mostly Jews from Lithuania and Poland. In 1938, Johnson was told of a young Austrian Jewish musician who was about to be deported from the United States. With an element of subterfuge, LBJ sent him to the US Consulate in Havana to obtain a residency permit. Erich Leinsdorf, the world famous musician and conductor, credited LBJ for saving his live.
That same year, LBJ warned Jewish friend, Jim Novy, that European Jews faced annihilation. “Get as many Jewish people as possible out of Germany and Poland,” were Johnson’s instructions. Somehow, Johnson provided him with a pile of signed immigration papers that were used to get 42 Jews out of Warsaw. But that wasn’t enough. According to historian James M. Smallwood, Congressman Johnson used legal and sometimes illegal methods to smuggle “hundreds of Jews into Texas, using Galveston as the entry port. Enough money could buy false passports and fake visas in Cuba, Mexico and other Latin American countries. Johnson smuggled boatloads and planeloads of Jews into Texas. He hid them in the Texas National Youth Administration. Johnson saved at least four or five hundred Jews, possibly more.”
During World War II Johnson joined Novy at a small Austin gathering to sell $65,000 in war bonds. According to Gomolak, Novy and Johnson then raised a very “substantial sum for arms for Jewish underground fighters in Palestine.” One source cited by the historian reports that “Novy and Johnson had been secretly shipping heavy crates labeled ‘Texas Grapefruit’ – but containing arms – to Jewish underground ‘freedom fighters’ in Palestine.”
ON JUNE 4, 1945, Johnson visited Dachau. According to Smallwood, Lady Bird later recalled that when her husband returned home, “he was still shaken, stunned, terrorized, and bursting with an overpowering revulsion and incredulous horror at what he had seen.”
A decade later while serving in the Senate, Johnson blocked the Eisenhower administration’s attempts to apply sanctions against Israel following the 1956 Sinai Campaign. “The indefatigable Johnson had never ceased pressure on the administration,” wrote I.L. “Si” Kenen, the head of AIPAC at the time. As Senate majority leader, Johnson consistently blocked the anti-Israel initiatives of his fellow Democrat, William Fulbright, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Among Johnson’s closest advisers during this period were several strong pro-Israel advocates, including Benjamin Cohen (who 30 years earlier was the liaison between Supreme Court justice Louis Brandeis and Chaim Weizmann) and Abe Fortas, the legendary Washington “insider.”
Johnson’s concern for the Jewish people continued through his presidency. Soon after taking office in the aftermath of John F. Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, Johnson told an Israeli diplomat, “You have lost a very great friend, but you have found a better one.” Just one month after succeeding Kennedy, LBJ attended the December 1963 dedication of the Agudas Achim Synagogue in Austin. Novy opened the ceremony by saying to Johnson, “We can’t thank him enough for all those Jews he got out of Germany during the days of Hitler.” Lady Bird would later describe the day, according to Gomolak: “Person after person plucked at my sleeve and said, ‘I wouldn’t be here today if it wasn’t for him. He helped me get out.’” Lady Bird elaborated, “Jews had been woven into the warp and woof of all [Lyndon’s] years.”
The PRELUDE to the 1967 war was a terrifying period for Israel, with the US State Department led by the historically unfriendly Dean Rusk urging an evenhanded policy despite Arab threats and acts of aggression. Johnson held no such illusions. After the war he placed the blame firmly on Egypt: “If a single act of folly was more responsible for this explosion than any other, it was the arbitrary and dangerous announced decision [by Egypt that the Strait of Tiran would be closed [to Israeli ships and Israeli-bound cargo].”
Kennedy was the first president to approve the sale of defensive US weapons to Israel, specifically Hawk anti-aircraft missiles. But Johnson approved tanks and fighter jets, all vital after the 1967 war when France imposed a freeze on sales to Israel. Yehuda Avner recently described on these pages prime minister Levi Eshkol’s successful appeal for these weapons on a visit to the LBJ ranch. Israel won the 1967 war, and Johnson worked to make sure it also won the peace. “I sure as hell want to be careful and not run out on little Israel,” Johnson said in a March 1968 conversation with his ambassador to the United Nations, Arthur Goldberg, according to White House tapes recently released.


Ibid.
Soon after the 1967 war, Soviet premier Aleksei Kosygin asked Johnson at the Glassboro Summit why the US supported Israel when there were 80 million Arabs and only three million Israelis. “Because it is a right thing to do,” responded the straight-shooting Texan.
The crafting of UN Resolution 242 in November 1967 was done under Johnson’s scrutiny. The call for “secure and recognized boundaries” was critical. The American and British drafters of the resolution opposed Israel returning all the territories captured in the war. In September 1968, Johnson explained, “We are not the ones to say where other nations should draw lines between them that will assure each the greatest security. It is clear, however, that a return to the situation of 4 June 1967 will not bring peace. There must be secure and there must be recognized borders. Some such lines must be agreed to by the neighbors involved.” Goldberg later noted, “Resolution 242 in no way refers to Jerusalem, and this omission was deliberate.” This historic diplomacy was conducted under Johnson’s stewardship, as Goldberg related in oral history to the Johnson Library. “I must say for Johnson,” Goldberg stated. “He gave me great personal support.”
Robert David Johnson, a professor of history at Brooklyn College, recently wrote in The New York Sun, Johnson’s policies stemmed more from personal concerns – his friendship with leading Zionists, his belief that America had a moral obligation to bolster Israeli security and his conception of Israel as a frontier land much like his home state of Texas. His personal concerns led him to intervene when he felt that the State or Defense departments had insufficiently appreciated Israel’s diplomatic or military needs.”
President Johnson firmly pointed American policy in a pro-Israel direction. In a historical context, the American emergency airlift to Israel in 1973, the constant diplomatic support, the economic and military assistance and the strategic bonds between the two countries can all be credited to the seeds planted by LBJ.
ADDITONAL NOTE:
Lyndon Johnson’s maternal ancestors, the Huffmans, apparently migrated to Frederick, Maryland from Germany sometime in the mid-eighteenth century. Later they moved to Bourbon, Kentucky and eventually settled in Texas in the mid-to-late nineteenth century.According to Jewish law, if a person’s mother is Jewish, then that person is automatically Jewish, regardless of the father’s ethnicity or religion. The facts indicate that both of Lyndon Johnson’s great-grandparents, on the maternal side, were Jewish.
These were the grandparents of Lyndon’s mother, Rebecca Baines. Their names were John S. Huffman and Mary Elizabeth Perrin. John Huffman’s mother was Suzanne Ament, a common Jewish name. Perrin is also a common Jewish name.
Huffman and Perrin had a daughter, Ruth Ament Huffman, who married Joseph Baines and together they had a daughter, Rebekah Baines, Lyndon Johnson’s mother. The line of Jewish mothers can be traced back three generations in Lyndon Johnson’s family tree. There is little doubt that he was Jewish.
by Morris Smith


This being a Jewish newspaper, they are not going to talk about L.B.J.‘s part in the failed false-flag operation against The U.S. Liberty and cover-up; however, their boasting confirms the basis of Jonson’s motivations, from pro-Israeli foreign policy to his desire to be the President remembered domestically for “The Great Society”: seeing through 1) “The Civil Rights Act of 1964” – spearheaded by Katzenbach, it prohibited freedom of and from association, freedom of racial and other discrimination in public facilities and private businesses. 2) “The Immigration & Naturalization Act of 1965” – spearhead by Cellar and Javitz and fronted by Teddy Kennedy, it overturned quotas and racial guidelines to American immigration. 3) The implementation of “The Rumsford Fair Housing Act” – a decree ruled through Jewish Court judges, stipulating that one cannot discriminate against any citizen who wished to buy or rent property.
Wiki: The Rumsford Fair Housing Act Legislation was the culmination of a civil rights campaign against housing discrimination in the US and was approved, at the urging of President Lyndon B. Johnson, only one week after the assassination of M.L.King.
Contradiction in Lived and Told Narratives.

Contradiction in Lived and Told Narratives
Brownwyn Davies, University of New England, Australia
Rom Harré, University of Oxford
INTRODUCTION
The ubiquity of contradiction in human affairs has long been commonplace. Social contradictions were identified by Marx as the source of social change. Repertoires of mutually contradictory “personas” have been demonstrated to be characteristic of people living in complex societies (Argyle, 1976; De Waele & Harré, 1976). At the same time it is evident that there have also been powerful social norms requiring at least the appearance of consistency in displays of character, in modes of talking and writing and even in patterns of thought.
Research on language and social interaction, vol. 2; 1991/1992: 1-36
Though contradiction is a logical concept that names a relation between propositions, it has a well established use as a general metaphor for incompatibilities of many kinds. It is one of the concepts by which “modernity” has bee defined. So in post-modernity one would expect at least some of the uses of “contradiction” to be called into question, particularly those in which it has a normative role. According to Parker (1989, p. 48), modernity itself, “is contradictory: Its discourse promises scientific truth as the solution to humanity’s problems on the one hand, and on the other attributes responsibility and the power to make meaning to individuals.”

We two, as individual authors, have been both constituted by, and active participants in, the construction of that modern world. We now find ourselves fascinated by the spaces opened up by its deconstruction, particularly in the work of feminist authors (1) such as Weedon (1987), Walkerdine (1981, 1984, 1985), Haug (1987). This paper, then, stands at the interface between the modern and the post modern worlds: While still being caught up, inevitably, in the discursive practices of the modern world we nonetheless wish to make contradiction a topic for examination in light of such feminist post-modern/ post-structuralist writing.
As a person in our contemporary world one has access to many ways of talking about oneself and one’s activities in that world: that is, one has access to multiple forms and styles of discourse. These ways of telling may remain discreet and the contradictions that sometimes exist between them may not become manifest nor present problems for resolution or accommodation. But they may overlap. They may be used as parts of some larger whole. And within that whole they may be profoundly contradictory. Furthermore each discourse may itself be made up of contradictory elements. Billig et al. (1988) give the example of liberal discourse containing ideological commitments to the rights both of the individual and the collective. He also cites educational discourse which espouses as values both equality and authority. In each case there is a discreet discourse containing oppositional and and contradictory imperatives.
Yet one of the predominant features of ways of producing ourselves as persons in the modern world is to present what we do as relatively coherent and non-contradictory, both as we interpret what we do and in the various accounts that we give of what we have done and will do. Numerous strategies exist for dealing with blatant contradictions in those productions. For instance there is the bureaucratic device of “wearing different hats.” Each “hat” represents a different set of constraints, aims and repertoires of proper actions.
The movement from the complex array of lived experience to the relatively coherent stories that we tell about that experience will be a central focus of this paper. Like Haug (1987) we see lived experience as inherently contradictory and the appearance of coherence and and non-contradiction as discursive constructions. As Haug (1987) puts it, “human beings, in the process of their socialization, work at restructuring the given elements of their lives until such time as their existence becomes relatively uncontradictory: In other words until social action becomes possible.” We wish to explore how it is that non- contradiction has become such a fundamental requirement of the production of self and in contrast how the recognition of contradiction has been greeted by feminist post structuralist authors in particular as fundamental to understanding their experience.
Told and Lived Narratives
Told narratives
Told narratives, including both the stories one tells about oneself and other people, and those narrations we call literature and drama, are generally framed within coherent conventions of discourse and tend to show each character as continuous and often, though not always, as predictable. The purpose of told stories in everyday life is often to show how conflicts and contradictions have been, might be, or even should be dealt with (Sabini & Silver 1981). Told stories are usually finite with well marked beginnings and endings. An orderly state of affairs is interrupted by the appearance of a predicament, a course of events unfolds in which the problem is resolved, and a new orderly state of affairs comes into being (Harré,1979). Such stories appear as accounts, told versions of events that are used retrospectively to order the complex array of lived experiences. As Huag (1987, p. 48) says:
We are not assuming that human beings live according to plan, or in continuities, nor even that they are always determined by the same consistent factors…continuities are manufactured retrospectively in the mind.
One focus in this paper is on those discursive practices through which intelligibility and warrantability are created.
Lived Narratives
Told stories are the means of providing the narrative frameworks through which we interpret strips of lived experience as they occur, that is they serve to guide the actions that make up lived narratives. Who one takes oneself to be at any one time and what one takes oneself to be doing form essential parts of the lived narrative. One’s actions are played out with interactive others who provide one with (and whom one provides with) subject positions in the collective flow of talk. These positions may be taken up or refused (however difficult that refusal might be), by any one of the members of the momentary collective. Thus lived narratives inform readings of told narratives and told narratives inform lived narratives (Bruner, 1986; Davies, 1989; Davies & Harré, 1990)…
Discourse As Constituted By Speakers And Constitutive Of Those Speakers
As Potter/Wetherell (‘87) point out, “discourse” and “discourse analysis” have been used in such a wide variety of ways and in such a wide variety of disciplines that it is possible to have two books on “discourse analysis” with no overlap in content at all. In this paper we draw upon two apparently opposite but inherently interwoven uses of the term. One is discourse as practice, or discursive practices, the analysis of which involves the examination of stretches of talk. Our particular interest in examining such stretches of talk is to discover the ways that people are constituted and constitute themselves as people and as particular kinds of people in that talk. But we also use “discourse” as a noun to refer to the way in which particular ways of speaking have been institutionalized, have taken on a life of their own, have, in fact, become constitutive of people and their actions.
This dual use is fundamental to the contradictions we daily live out between ourselves as individuals and ourselves as members of a number of collectives (cf. Shotter,1987). As “individuals” in the modern world, we “choose” our words, we “shape” our meanings, we “constitute” ourselves in our acts of speaking. We create the social world by speaking it into being. At the same time, every act of speaking is a social act. As Shotter says (1987) “any attempt on my part to enact my own plans and desires must be informed by the activities of those around me… We need to be in particular contexts or we become confused.” Those contexts are created in large part by the discursive practices that are regarded by the (individual) participants as required or appropriate within the context. The participants discursively constitute the context and thus create and maintain its existence. In the institutionalization of that “existence,” they bring into being the various discourses through which meaning is made, people are controlled, and through which the social world (and the individuals who make it up) are constituted. Weedon (1987) brings both of these uses of “discourse” together in her analysis of Foucault’s use of the term:
Discourses in Foucault’s work, are ways of constituting knowledge, together with the social practices, forms of subjectivity and power relations which inhere in such knowledges and the relations between them. Discourses are more than ways of thinking and producing meaning. They constitute the “nature” of the body, unconscious and conscious mind and emotional life of the subjects they seek to govern. Neither the body nor thoughts and feelings have meaning outside their discursive articulation, but the ways in which discourse constitutes the minds and bodies of individuals is always part of a wider network of power relations, often with institutional biases.
In the modern world, however, discourses have generally been understood as transparent descriptions of a real world. The task of adults is to socialize children to fit into that real world. In a post-modern, post-structuralist analysis, discourse is understood as constitutive. Through participating in the discursive practices of the collective and doing so from the positions made available to them (as male or female for example) individuals are constituted and re-constituted as they move from one context to another, one positioning to another, one discourse to another. To the extent that people do not use or see particular institutionalized discursive practices as malleable tools for achieving their own ends, but rather treat them as reflecting the way in which the world is, then those ways of speaking, those discourses, provide specific prescriptions for what it means to be a person, and specific positions for specific categories of person within them. These prescriptions and positionings then have material consequences for the persons caught up in them (Davies & Harré,1990).
In the modern world a contradictory statement is generally taken to be a signal of faulty socialization: The person has not learned to understand the way the world is and should be and thus engages in faulty, though remediable performances. In a post-structuralist analysis, the person who makes a contradictory statement is more likely to be seen as being positioned within and constituted through contradictory discourses. In this model it is not the person who needs remediation, nor even their statement, but rather the discourses themselves with their contradictory assumptions or imperatives which can be examined, understood, accepted, challenged, resisted or changed. The implications of this for the individual are twofold:
1) increased insight into one’s own subjectivity in all its complexity as it is constituted through varied and contradictory discourses;
2) increased political competence in dealing with unacceptable subject positions since their creation can be located within particular discourses.
LIFE MODELS
The “enlightenment” model (the E-model), is the predominant discourse in the modern world.

It presents as an ideal a rational person leading a rational life in a rational universe in which contradictions must always be eliminated. According to Godwin (1798, p.61), succinctly expressing the enlightenment ideal, “Reason is the only legislator, and her decrees are irrevocable and uniform.” The E-model is based on the assumption of an orderly universe existing independently of human perception which is simply described by the use of appropriate forms of language. The person in this model is conceived of as a unitary and relatively fixed being. A person making contradictory statements or expressing contradictory beliefs or engaging in contradictory practices is seen as aberrant, their behavior calling in question their claims to adult human status.
The “dissonance reduction” tradition in social psychology inaugurated by Festinger (Abelson, 1968) is clearly built around an unexamined consensus is in favor of the E-model. It is instructive to look back to the heyday of consistency theories. According to McGuire (1968) the human task is to maintain the “internal consistency of the belief system.” “People do not simply minimize inconsistency but…they maximize consistency, this latter implying that they seek maximal interconnectedness in their belief system” (McGuire 1968). The search for consistency is thus presented as a natural human tendency. The thought that it might be a local social imperative appears to cross no one’s mind. Tannenbaum (1968) says, for example, “It is this state of incongruity [between expressed attitudes and a person’s subsequent actions] which generates a pressure for change in attitude toward either the source or the concept but always in the direction making for a newly congruent situation.” It is as if this “pressure for congruence” were both individual and natural.
In contrast many adherents to the post-structuralist model (the P-model) regard contradiction as an inherent feature of human life. To rule-out or not recognize the phenomenon of contradiction is to reduce the quality of thought and to impair the quality of the lived experience. Again, to take a passage from Haug (1987, p. 69), “Our perceived need for harmony is particularly detrimental to the expression of our knowledge. Like wishful thinking, the need for harmony ornaments ugly inconsistencies…The price we pay for the elimination of contradictions is acquiescence in a kind of narrow mindedness…”
The P-model, presuming the social world to be produced through talk and other symbolic exchanges, presents a human individual as caught in a number of discursive nets. One of these is the E-net. The E-net is unique in that it requires a coherence in thought and action which belies not only the inherent contradiction in any one net, but also the co-presence of the other nets. These nets are complexities of the concepts, storylines and metaphors through which human beings present themselves publicly and privately as persons. People in this model are not unitary beings, uniquely positioned, but “produced as a nexus of subjectivities, in relations of power which are constantly shifting” (Walkerdine, 1981, p. 14). These shifts occur within and between discourses as persons are positioned and position themselves in their interactions with others (Davies & Harré, 1990). Within and between these discourses and the positionings within them people experience contradictory imperatives for action, contradictory emotions, contradictory perceptions and contradictory ways of thinking.
What we argue in this paper, then, is that the E-model describes in some fundamental detail the product of “humanness” as that is discursively constituted in the modern world. In the E-model the individual is constituted as a unitary, rational being who is separate from the social world and its discursive practices. That separation is fundamentally implicated in the requirement that the individual take on the responsibility of making meaning (Parker, 1989, p.48) and moral responsibility for the coherence of self. In this model, words are understood as the transparent tools with which to describe that self and the separate world in which it is located. What the P-model gives us, in contrast, is a different way of viewing persons and the inevitable contradictions in their productions of self. This is done by shifting the focus from the person (as persons ought to be within the E-model), to the various discourses through which persons are constituted. What we will show in this paper are some of the strategies in use to maintain the E-model as the orderly base on which the social world is organized, at the same time calling in question the inevitable essentialism attendant on such a model.
The P-model, in the feminist version of it, does not involve a mindless, even amoral welcoming of multiple selves, along with the loss of creative tension created by the E-model demand to find a resolution between the multiplicities. Rather it involves a recognition of the inevitability of contradiction in a world made up of contradictory discourses and provides a fundamental shift in the definition of self such that the contradictions are not experienced as a personal flaw but as ways of constituting the social world which are themselves amenable to change. I speak myself into existence through the discourses available to me, I know myself through the stories I live and the stories I tell (each of these deeply imbricated in the other) and so I can choose, with others, to change the stories and to develop new ways of talking about them. Equally I can refuse discourses that speak me into existence in ways I no longer wish. That refusal is dependent on my ability to see the way in which my identity is discursively constituted (Davies, 1990).

Fundamental to this model is an eschewing of role as a means for interpreting behavior. Whenever “I” and “me” are separated out, then the personal and private “I” can justify separate social worlds in which the various public “me’s” play out the different and contradictory roles that “society” demands. This separation is one feminists have always found unconvincing and somewhat immoral. In rejecting the division between the public and the private as a legitimate and meaningful division, they have owned their various “me’s” and have not reserved these or distinguished them from some other “real” self. Perhaps for this very reason, feminists have found contradiction much more personally troubling as they try to integrate the unintegratable into one unified, rational, whole “me” as the E-model leads them to believe they should. It is almost inevitable, then, that feminists in particular have greeted the P-model with enthusiasm. A critical difference, though, between non- feminist post-modern writing and feminist P-model writing is that feminists have not tended to fall into the relativistic/ amoral anomie of much of the non- feminist post modern writing. Rather than the depressed, “so there is no me” of post-modernism, they have said with enthusiasm, “so this is how I get to be all of these things. And having understood this I now see how I can begin to change them.”
The Press Towards Non-contradiction in Both Told and Lived Narratives In The Modern World
The practical everyday social order
In order to know how to speak, to achieve intelligibility and warrantability in what one says on any particular occasion, one must be able to make assumptions both about oneself and about the other people involved in the conversation. Some of these assumptions are included in Grice’s conversational implicatures (Grice, 1975). In addition to these one must know what discursive practice it would be proper to adopt for this conversation and how to position oneself and other conversants appropriately. In most conversations the issue of the nature of oneself, at the moment of speaking, is not an overt topic. In order that that issue should remain in the background and the actions of all those engaged in the production of the strip of life then being lived, speakers require of each other that they present themselves as knowable and predicable.
Moral orders
The social definition of a “sane” adult person is that they accept responsibility for what they say and do. It is assumed within such a definition that such persons choose their actions in accordance with some set of moral principles. That this social ontology of selves is a social construction is evident from the fact that the idea of human individuals as absolute moral agents, in control of their lives, is relatively recent (Bruner, 1986). In locating the source of action in a choosing individual, rather than in fate or the social order or in discourse, a constraint is evidently placed on the thoughts and actions of each person, namely that they should make a coherent whole whose actions can consistently be accounted for within some moral order. Schools, law courts and psychiatric clinics are institutions in which those who have not learned to produce acceptable accounts of their actions are taught to do so. Those who never manage it are generally removed from the social world.
The linguistic order
Although people produce discursive practices and discourses, those practices and structures in turn produce them. As a speaker, a person is a kind of “point,” the location in an array of speakers at which a socially significant event, a speaking has occurred. “I” and “you” index speech actions with locations in that array. What someone has said, is saying, or will say is not just the words they utter, but the social meaning of those words, jointly constructed by speakers and those with whom they converse. Since one of one’s interlocutors is oneself, those aspects of individual minds that are conversational in character must share a basic structure with public discourse. A mind must then be organized around a self-identical conversational point, and its dynamics must share many of the features of the local discursive practices of which it is a partially concealed product. A further consistent feature of the discursive practices we use is their constitution of the categories male and female as exclusive, oppositional categories around which each person’s identity is organized. Individual people are not free to reject these categories as linguistic impositions, since their maleness or masculinity and their femaleness or femininity is defined as natural, rather than as discursively produced (Davies, 1989).
SINGULARITIES AND MULTIPLICITIES OF SELF
This paper depends on an underlying psychological theory of personhood according to which selves are nothing but the forms in which persons, that is embodied speakers, present themselves in social action, particularly speech. The fact that human awareness is reflexive, that is that people can come to pay attention to their own thoughts and actions, means that the possibility exists of the presentation of oneself to oneself. In general, reflexive self preservation has the same form or forms as public self preservation. One tells oneself the story of one’s life according to variants of the same grammatical and narratological conventions as one tells that story to someone else. Private and public self presentations are discursive acts and the way these acts are performed are discursive practices. All discursive practices, at least in English, include the use of formal singularities such as the use of a common subject of predication (I, my, mine) for all of a person’s reminiscences. They also include categorical singularities such as the qualification of all of a person’s actions as those proper to only one category of person, such as a male or female, adult or child. These discursive practices through which one publicly presents oneself as a singularity are matched by, and ultimately the source of, corresponding beliefs about oneself.
Generally speaking it has been assumed by traditional psychologists and social constructionists alike that people have one and only one personal identity, that is they act as if they are, and believe themselves to have, both formal and categorical singularities. The unitary, non-contradictory self assumed within E-model as natural and called into question in the P-model, must be distinguished from this formal and categorical singularity of persons. Formal singularity is in fact a logical prerequisite for the experience of contradiction. Preservation of the concept of identity as a psychic and presentational singularity is a necessary condition for anyone to be able to experience or talk about psychic and presentational multiplicity. That one be continuously embodied in the same flesh is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the possibility of experiencing or being seen as engaging sufficient acts. Formal singularity as one and the same speaker must also be maintained. There is no contradiction, for example, between a person being assertive and a person being submissive, unless they are understood as the very same person. That understanding is ensured by the discursive maintenance of oneself as the very same speaker.
The centrality of this singular formal identity to the way people are discursively produced can be grasped more readily if we examine cases where this formal singularity is absent – most notably in cases of multiple personality. Many of us could be said to have such multiplicities but these go unnoticed because the different selves are played out in different contexts and so need not call in question our discursive production of ourselves as a formal singularity. In some cases, however, such multiplicity is regarded as pathological, and that assessment seems directly related to a failure to discursively produce oneself as a formal singularity, or at least to show oneself to be striving to find a way of resolving or making sense of the multiplicity.
[* Multiple personality disorder case presented here, said to be resolved through pronominal management.]
The Problem Of The Meaning Of “Self”

Each human being is both a formal singularity and a cluster of discontinuous and diverse psychological and social multiplicities. At least some of the difficulties characteristic of self-studies have come from the persistence of the custom of using the word “self” both for the necessary similarity of what is taken to be non-pathological personhood and for the multiplicity of things we are to one another and to ourselves. The interrogative pronoun “who/whom” shares some of this ambiguity. In one sense of “who,” a remark like “I don’t know who I am!” is patent nonsense, while in another sense it can be used to express those doubts about what sort of person one is and should be, and have come to be called “identity crisis.” Only if one has a person identity in the first sense could one have and identity in the second. One way to resolve the ambiguity (Harré,1983) has been to call one’s experience of one’s self as a singularity the “sense of self.” But these were not felicitous expressions, in part because they tied singularity to subjectivity and multiplicity to objectivity, whereas there is experienced multiplicity and presented singularity. Unfortunately “self” has become the favored word for both aspects of personhood. Our resolution is simple. We shall call the presented singularity the “self-1” and the presented multiplicities the “self-2” whether the presentations are private, to oneself, or public, to others.
Philosophers have studied the concept of personal identity, self-1, in great detail, while social scientists have been largely concerned with self-2. But the two are intimately related. For there to be the kind of multiplicity of selfhood which interests feminist post structuralists, for example, there must be personal singularity of selfhood in the sense of the personal identity of self-1. In short, the persistence and integrity of self-1, is, analytically speaking, a necessary condition for the experience of diversity in self-2. If in the life of one human being there seems to have emerged a diversity or multiplicity of self-1 we take the case to be pathological. But the lived experience of diversity in self-2 is the common form of everyday life. To understand the discursive practices of self-production and presentation both self concepts are needed. The English language must bear some responsibility for these confusions. There is no single Castillian, for instance, into which the English word “self,” with its attendant and systematic ambiguities, can be translated. “Mi-mismo” captures self-1 but but cannot be used for self-2. Nor can French “moi-meme” do double duty either.
The E-model takes as fundamental what we have called self-1 and relies on rationality as the means whereby self-2 can also be made into a unitary whole.
Self As Process And Product
The human self that has been the object of study (i.e. the “subject” of experiments, the “actor” of Symbolic Interactionist and ethogenic ethnographies, the “member” of ethnomethodological studies, the “man” or “woman” in feminist ethnographies) has, in post-modern terms, ceased to exist. All we have left is the text, the process, the moments of production. The self is continually in process, it is created in multiple forms in multiple contexts through multiple discourses. These discourses, contexts and forms intersect, overlap, inform each other, leak into each other. But a fundamental element of all of these discourses, is that the self is an object. It is some thing or entity which is subjected to and controlled by structures external to itself and it is some thing which has will power, which can make choices, which is morally responsible for its acts. These are more than ways of speaking, they are the ways of speaking through which the person (in process) is constituted as human, as an individual, as recognizably one person and not another. Thus, we are the product we discursively produce. We are at one and the same time no more than a series of discursive productions and also that which is discursively produced: The unique individual with “thingness” in the world. This is the case for both what we have called self-1 and self-2.
The insight that that “thingness” is a discursive production appears to make the “thingness” disappear – how can it have substance, phenomenologically speaking, if at the next moment its substance can change and can be discursively produced as something else? How can it be a thing if it can simultaneously be two opposite things? How can it be a thing if it can retrospectively become not the thing that we thought it was at the time?
The embodiment of ourselves in our corporeal substance is perhaps part of the conceptual problem. When we refer to our “selves” as a “thing” we are eliding the two, the apparently solid and relatively unchanging substance of our bodies with the discursively constituted thingness of ourselves. To be embodied, as we are, is part of the condition for there to be personal identity. This is not to say that the perception of our bodies as solid is not also a social construction, but focus for the moment on the fact that our bodies are perceived generally as having solidity, thingness, substance. If we didn’t make this metaphoric link when thinking about ourselves with our bodies then we would perhaps have less difficulty. If we had a fluid metaphor, like water, then we could more readily grasp the fluid, multiple, changing nature of self-2. But the perception of solidity of an embodied self is what we do have. Thus we have self-1, a way of speaking the self into existence; we have self-2, fluid, multiple and discursively produced; and a phenomenological sense of self as solid, as unchanging, as having some existence independently of any social construction. This too is discursively produced. In a well known allegory Strawson (‘53) explored the way persons would be formed and modes of identity very different from ours come to exist, in a purely auditory world.
CONTRADICTION AND NON-CONTRADICTION
Contradiction And Contrariety Within Formal Logic
According to traditional formal logic in order for there to be a contradiction there must be a conjoint assertion of two propositions which are so structured that if one is true (false) the other must be false (true). Leaving aside tautologies, the following conditions must be satisfied:
i) Both propositions must have the same (numerically identical) logical subject;
ii) both propositions must refer to the same moment in history of the logical subject;
iii) the predicates must stand in the same kind of exclusion relation, for instance they might be different determinates under the same determinable (hues under colour) or they might refer to a set and part or all of its complement (sheep and non-sheep, e.g., goats).
Contraries are statements which cannot be true together though a pair of contraries could both be false; for instance, “everyone is really good” and “no one is really good.” Subcontaries are pairs of statements which could both be true but cannot both be false. “Some people are nice” and “some people are not nice” are subcontraries.
Among the many explanations of the cultural prohibition on formal contradiction is the thesis that an utterance and its contradictory cancel each other out, so nothing is finally said, no speech act is achieved (cf. Strawson,1953). But in real life the statement that follows but contradicts another statement is usually not to be taken as a taking back of what was said in the first statement, but as an additional truth. Often both statements are intended by the speaker to be taken seriously, and it is the other conversants who enquire about and resist the contradiction. Whereupon the speaker must do some further “work” to maintain both statements or else withdraw one.
The Ways In Which Non-contradictory E-type Narratives Are Produced
Challenges to the propriety and intelligibility of accounts usually take the form of reminders that narratives must be coherent and non-contradictory. The following are some of the means by which an incoherent and contradictory story line offered by an individual person can be maintained or, if necessary, repaired such that the person can maintain the illusion, both for themselves and for their various audiences, of a unitary non-contradictory self. That there are so many familiar strategies for getting around inconsistent productions of self indicates the extent to which the E-type person is a discursively constituted, rather than a natural being. The strategies bear an interesting relation to the rules of formal logic.
1. Serialization:
To serialize a story is to present potentially contradictory events, states and so on, as occurring at different times.
2. Separation:
To separate a story is to present apparently contradictory descriptions of events, interpretations, character traits, and so on as belonging to different discourses and thus as bearing no relation to each other.
3. Division:
A tale which is incoherent as one person’s story may be divided, as in the case of Miss Beuchamp (a case of multiple personalities; example provided but excised from text above), such that the apparently contradictory episodes, traits, etc. belong to different persons, the stories of each of which are coherent. A more common form of this is to refer to different roles and the requirements of those roles which bear no relation to the bearer of those roles.
4. Hierarchicalization:
A narrative which includes apparently contradictory claims, whether these be made verbally or displayed in action, can be remodelled to meet the demands of the E-format or modernist style if the claims are reassigned to different levels in a logical hierarchy. For example, one claim may be assigned to a person as a member of a family or a profession or a nation and the other to that person as an individual. This strategy works on the widely assumed condition that no individual is expected to be an exact exemplification of familial or national stereotypes. “Of course I am English but..” and then follows a descriptive phrase by which a personal characteristic of self is attributed (“I really prefer coffee”) which contradicts some component of the assumed stereotype.
5. Ironization:
To illustrate the fifth strategy we use a much more complex case in which lived and told narratives interact with one another. In the kind of case we have in mind an episode includes two levels of acts. There are those which serve to realize the “official” story line, for instance that the group of people gathered there are conducting a funeral; and there are those which serve to display an ironic detachment from that story line. We could regard the second string of acts as a kind of told narrative which comments on the performances in the lived narrative. Thus the undertaker’s staff might adopt postures which by their studied casualness belie the general seriousness and reverence with which they handle the coffin. We call this strategy “ironization”: it involves a way of showing that one aspect or performance of a lived narrative, which seems to stand in contradiction to another, is to be taken as an ironic commentary on the major story line being realized in action. Goffman’s descriptions of displays of “role distance” (Goffman, 1972) pick out perfect cases of what we have in mind. A brain surgeon who chatters about the stock market throughout a demanding operation is behaving “contradictorily.” The chatter presents a persona which contradicts the seriousness that would be expected from someone accepting the level of responsibility implied by the major storyline of the activity in question. The mirror image of the strategy of ironization is described by Goffman in Stigma (1963) when he explains how the autobiographical facts which would contradict current displays of “self” are hidden or suppressed by various techniques of passing, so that a coherent lived narrative is publicly presented. And this might well be achieved through a told narrative assembling autobiographical fragments to create a certain impression in the hearers.
6. Ignoring:
Most people most of the time do not closely monitor the consistency of their own motives or those of others. The illocutionary force of most speech acts remains vague and is only made relatively determinate after the event should some issue of necessary follow-up action arise. “But you said we would…” calls for an examination of consistency and act force. The number of strategies available for dealing with such accusations (“I forgot,” “did I say that?” “I wasn’t thinking clearly at the time,” etc.) indicate the extent of actual lived inconsistency and of contradiction between intention and act.
7. Retrospective/prospective sense of occurrences:
Presuming that the meaning will become clear in time as more information is gained (Cicourel, 1970).
8. A claim of human fallibility:
Inconsistent features are a matter of forgetting, of weakness, of cowardice, of “psychological disturbance,” etc., i.e., temporary features out of keeping with the way a person is or ought to be.
9. Re-working of a discourse:
One of the contradictions that feminists have written and worried about is between the discursive practices through which they constitute themselves as women in domestic settings and those through which they constitute themselves as people in professional settings (e.g., Smith, 1987).

Although this contradiction could be handled by many of the above strategies, such as keeping them temporally separate or ignoring the difference, it has instead been focussed on and worked with in a number of productive ways. One of the early catch cries of the feminist movement was the “personal is political.” Thus personal (private) life became something not to be separated out from one’s thinking in the workplace, but rather something that must be integrated: Workplace thinking must be able to make sense of one’s personal life if it is to be accorded any value, and the thinking one does in one’s personal life must not exclude or occlude or negate or contradict the thinking one does in one’s professional life. The work done by feminists and still being done, to bring to bear this personal knowledge on the disciplines they work with to modify and re-work them, has caused a considerable shift in some of those disciplines. Thus bringing contradictory discourses to bear on and to modify each other is one of the means of producing non-contradictory E-type narratives.
10. Production of a superordinate discourse:
A divine presence is constituted as the source of that which cannot be understood: “God moves in mysterious ways.” The inconsistency or lack of orderliness in the events is taken, then, to be proof of the divine presence.
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Notes:
Research on language and social interaction, vol. 2; 1991/1992: 1-36
* [… *] At this point in the essay there is a rather protracted case example of multiple personality disorder (the case of Miss Beauchamp) which is said to be resolved through negotiation of different pronominal positions. I will add this as a content footnote later; but for the time being it seems more a laborious distraction than illumination.
Additional Editorial Notes:
GW approaches academic treatments of social matters as the thoroughgoing enemy of what “is” – ontology. Whereas I look upon academic output as a mixed affair. I am looking for what I can use or by contrast, what is theoretically and rhetorically off the mark of my interests so that I can defend my interests against it. I do not apply communication theory because it was proposed to me, but because I sought it out, observing its utility. I find useful ideas in an essay like this. GW will not. He will say that there is absolutely nothing here that is worthwhile. Whereas I can see utility in an essay like this to help manage, for one example, the confusion as to what to do about White Christians and their destructive maps, or White Muslims, etc. They are White. But there is a contradiction to our advocacy and their maps which run contrary to advocacy of our specific interests. Do we advocate them? To what extent? How?
But GW will latch on to ready examples of how to not to treat Harré as an intelligent being, let alone one who also takes careful account of ontology and a scientific approach to psychology. While not the focus in this social psychologically concerned essay, take note of ontology among Harré‘s interests:
Harré is one of the world’s most prolific social scientists. Has written on a wide variety of subjects including: philosophy of mathematics, philosophy of science, ontology, psychology, social psychology, sociology and philosophy. He was an important early influence on the British philosophical movement Critical Realism, publishing Causal Powers with Madden in 1975, the same year as A Realist Theory of Science. He supervised Roy Bhaskar’s doctoral studies, and has continued to maintain close involvement with realism. He also supervised Patrick Baert, German Berrios, and Jonathan Smith’s doctoral studies, respectively in social theory, history and epistemology of psychiatry, and social psychology. Another one of Harré‘s distinctive contributions was to the understanding of the social self in microsociology, which he called “ethogenics:” this method attempts to understand the systems of belief or means by which individuals can attach significance to their actions and form their identities, in addition to the structure of rules and cultural resources that underlie these actions.[3]
Nevertheless, we may assume that GW is going to ignore and sweep everything aside, including the fact that among Harre’s concerns are ontology and cognitive science. For the length of this piece and for the fact that it looks at the de-ontological side, it will only contribute to GW’s penchant for ignoring and only selecting the weakest of low hanging fruit to criticize.
For its length and for the fact that it does not provide fully at once the corrective sides that my department and other colleagues of Harré set-out, this essay is a very inefficient way to make the point (to GW) that there are useful ideas here; it exposes some steps already moved beyond, which can be challenged by reductionists…but that has largely to do with the fact that it does represent steps in a process, even in Harre’s work. He has written whole texts on cognitive psychology, i.e, focusing more on the corporeal, ontological side. This piece does not show the alternating steps of his colleagues (including mine), providing corrections from other angles. That is likely to send up red flags for GW to object in kind, with concerns already voiced from my Department et al, that is, the extent to which Harré was coming from “the wrong end” – Harré and his colleague John Shotter were nevertheless cognizant and corrective, as were our Department’s efforts. The reader should not be discouraged by reductionist dismissal as is inevitably to come from GW, with a focus against the narrative end. Nevertheless, it is a necessary part of hermeneutic process that should begin to make its utility more clear once one reaches the section called “The Ways in Which Non-Contradictory E-narratives Are Produced.” Thus when this article is criticized it is likely to bring about reinventing not the wheel, but reinventing the criticism…and not getting to the meat of what is interesting here.
(1) Finally, the reader should not be discouraged by the invocation of feminism and feminist authors in this article as Harré tried to grapple with feminist projects, an effort of which he would ultimately revoke willing suspension disbelief, viz. for his incapacity to reconcile his projects with feminist projects.
Paradigmatic Shift: From Pandemic to Pervasive Ecology
Paradigmatic Shift: From Pandemic to Pervasive Ecology through Coordinated Ethnonationalism.
Preliminary Note: This article was written before it was evident that the powers that be would use Covid-19 as an excuse to consolidate money unto themselves (as usual), wipe out the White middle class and upwardly mobile, but the argument is still correct from the side of White Nationalism, as to how we’d look for powers in our interests to respond.
Paradigmatic Shift: A paradigmatic shift of epoch world view is emergent with the implicative force of the pandemic.
From Modernity, International Liberalism and Pandemic to Pervasive Ecology Managed through the Coordination of Ethnonationalism’s Paradigmatic Conservatism.

Paradigmatic Conservatism is an idea put forward by Gregory Bateson, endorsing strong national borders which, in turn, allow for broader individual liberty within the nation. He maintained that the prevailing epoch has stupidly reversed that equation – with borders having been allowed to run wild while individual liberties are pegged.
….
A paradigmatic shift in world view is instigated with the global pandemic, from the prevailing liberal internationalist paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism – strong borders which can ideally and practically facilitate a wide breadth of individual liberty within, securing the integrity of the authentic, emergent qualities of our genome.
The global pandemic evinces a long overdue ecological corrective to the modern epoch’s impervious liberalism. Its universalizing reach wielded obliviously over interpersonal and international boundaries, where not naively adopted in the rational blindness of its pseudo objectivity, detached from relative group interests, then disingenuously weaponized by the powers-that-be, buttressing that halo of innocence with suspended disbelief in arbitrary experimentalism for the promise of limitless progress and growth, even if in the hereafter.
Modernity has been a driving extension of the most determinedly evangelical forces of globalization, with that linear belief that change and arbitrary experiment lead necessarily the way of progress, ostensibly warranting the hubris of vulgarly pragmatic narcissism to run impervious rough-shod over indigenous peoples – their destruction by its means, after all, written-off as a mere functional hazard of progress and being where the critique of Modernity gained moral traction/warrant with anthropologists.
There is an irony in this post modern correction, the reflexive effect of the pandemic revealing both our systemic inter-relatedness and thus interdependence on sovereignty, as the inhabitants of earth are shown most clearly how mutually interdependent and thus responsible that we are for the discrete border control and population management that nationalism facilitates.
This shared circumstance that we are all now confronted with along with the national responses of border control and social distancing, confirm the profound importance and the very real possibility of maintaining national borders and social bounds. Functional possibility of border and boundary control that the liberal powers-that-be would undoubtedly like to continue to deny.
And of the culmination of this Modern epoch post World War II, the idealized prohibition of group classification by means of Lockeatine Civil Rights no longer taken under the epoch’s fulmination as a simple mechanism at individual discretion against impediments to individual liberty, forward thinking and progress, but given a potently weaponized form of “Civil Rights” against forecast abuse of social classification by suspect groups, viz., as “racism”, a stunning and stigmatizing concept to wield by even the most crass against those deemed likely to abuse the concept of human taxonomic classification, easily ruining them, Bateson remarked in one of his very last speeches, nevertheless…
“I don’t have to tell you about the tyranny of patterns, that is the rubric under which we meet. What you may not know, is that you have to accept them.”
The rubric of the “tyranny” cited by so called progressives to be sheerly liberated from, of course, is the formal classification of patterns – including human ecologies – while Lockeatine rights, anti-racism and so on, are what is taken for granted as the perfectly innocuous liberation, the remedy to this “tyranny.”
The inevitability of systemic correction inherent in patterns, whether by stasis or homeostasis, is their tyranny.
This long overdue correction to modernity’s Cartesian universalism nevertheless presents the opportunity to move from post hoc reaction against the inevitable stasis – and by reaction against the stasis, we mean the non-deliberate physical and biological responses to corrections coming from outside of the system, sometimes confronting it in the form of disease, such as this virus – to one of social systemic homeostasis, deliberate correctivity: the autonomy of self correction, self corrective systems.
Nationalism, particularly ethnonationalism, structures a systemic world view optimally for homeostasis, i.e., in praxis – the socially self corrective paradigm as it facilitates accountability, coherence, agency and warrant in the management and coordination of human and pervasive ecology.
Whether disciplined by the overseers of homeostasis, or by brute stasis, a paradigmatic shift from Modernity and liberalism is implicated.
This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance, possibility and reality of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.
As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism – ethnonationalism.
……
However, the perennial libertarian concern over abuse of state power is vying to reassert itself as the most important rubric.
State measures to control the virus, ranging from shutting down small businesses, to fining people for walks in the park, to tracking-apps monitoring people’s whereabouts through their I-phones, to limiting freedom of travel for ordinary people, are looked upon as liable to lead to further centralization of wealth and power to the anti-ethnonationalist elite, along with a greater capacity and ostensible warrant to clamp down with a police state in their interests – not ours.
Particularly if this concern is upheld as paramount by influential voices who do not experience themselves as having a strong vested interest in ethnonationalism, a temptation especially for those talented enough to nerd their way around (think Styxhexenhammer666) and get their share (for now) despite the growing casualty to our species, personal priorities such as theirs can tap into a broader audience of right wing reactionaries, flatter their “intellectualism”, tickle conspiratorial horror scenarios and maneuver the broad base of our people right back into the laissez faire liberal-sphere – a co-option which would suit the powers that be just fine – the liberal powers that be, who’ve gotten us into this broad wreckage of our human and pervasive ecology, who obviously care even less about us and our concerns for the preservation of our kind and habitat, and would be just fine with seeing us blended away where we do not die-off outright.
Hence, the correction could be diverted through over reaction as the exercise of state power rouses concern of police and surveillance state, whether paranoically imagined or very real, as incipient ethnonationalists certainly have cause to be concerned about that through their experience of censorship and persecution.
However, most of those worried about these possibilities tend to be the same people who do not have the freedom of being grounded in good will; not being ethnonationalists, the people they feel duty bound to see as something like brethren-ends-in-themselves are not, in fact, their people, or do not conceive of themselves as such; and thus, they rather stubbornly cling to their right wing, anti-social security blankets – the socially unaccountable natural fallacy of ceaseless power struggle, or outside of praxis on the other side, outside of nature to an unaccountable sky god or the “magic hand” of the market that would ordain the charlatans who would use state power to oppress them indeed.
Nevertheless, the significance of achieving national autonomy for our people through state sovereignty on our behalf, is so clearly important that how state authority is to be achieved reigns supreme and how to rein-in state authority over potential abuse a detail – an important detail but one which should be far more manageable as we all know, if we are “bowling among ours only.” In fact, issues of potential state abuse, corruption and accountability (particularly keeping accounts requested to a minimum) should be far more manageable trough ethnonationalism and all the more reason for us to take charge.
Putnam’s studies, published in Bowling Alone, indicate that the heterogeneous, proposition nation is at the other extreme with regard to trust facilitation. Thus, we have less to fear from the homogeneously populated state – i.e., ethnonationalism.
And ethnonationalism is most open in the broadest sense as well, as the people are one in the union, from elites, to rank and file, to marginals, accountability is most likely to best serve the interest of all, thus kept to a minimum, let alone going rogue to police and surveillance state.
With that is another silver lining to fear of the police state: try putting yourself in their shoes – what are you going to do with all this data? Where would you begin? Are you afraid that you might be required to get a vaccine in order to travel or move to a nation? Is that a new practice? Haven’t Small Pox and Polio vaccines been required for a century now? But I digress.
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Yes, China has a pernicious social credit system in operation, but that is a function of a narrow elite rigidly in power for their sake, not an ethnonational superstructure. China would have to be broken into several nations to have ethnonstates; as opposed to something more like an empire over-reaching divergent interests, attempting to suppress and control them.
Let us put trust where most people intuitively find trustworthiness, and where the science tells us that people find social and political participation worthwhile regarding state/union organization – if it is ours, in and about the interests of our homogeneous people, it is at very least a trustworthy start.
Further, consider what convulsive, over reaction can bring indeed – the quest for pure warrant, the exception beyond account, ethnosupremacism and genocidal imperialism as opposed to ethnonationalism.
Paul Tillich:
“The existentialist protest against dehumanization and objectification, together with its courage-to-be as oneself, has turned into the most elaborate and oppressive form of collectivism that has appeared in history.”
Although arguments have been put forward that he was speaking of the Soviets, it is actually pretty apparent that Tillich was speaking of the Nazi regime.
Even so, this platform isn’t about preventing self actualization and achievement, but rather looks to make the individual quests more possible by putting them on socially supportable, emergent grounds, facilitating an optimal circularity of needs in quest in order to stabilize them within the union, harmonizing them with homeostasis of the union as well.
This is why social constructionism has been recommended, in order to sensitize us to our human connection and indebtedness in Praxis, which is a fact and a responsibility, a necessary focus particularly for we, the more individualistic peoples of European evolution.
In fact, we are not making things up, out of thin air as weaponized forms of purported social constructionism would bandy.
This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance and reality of social grouping, and the possibility of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.
As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism – ethnonationalism.
In fact, in some respects we are experiencing the dark side of self actualization, a modernist story in dire need of social hermeneutic correction (as I have discussed many times), a story told of our individual potential and social boundary transgressing liberty maximized and weaponized against our group interests through the context of America’s civic nationalism; its civil rights weaponized as anti racism against any social classification that would serve European homeostasis facilitated by ethonationalism; thus it is an anti nationalist weapon, decidedly un-ecological but given to us as the rubric under which we function since World War II. Since then, Nazi imperialism and supremacism, its natural fallacy, have been disingenuously labeled nationalism by those antagonistic to our people being due any account, as we would by means of a sufficiently powerful group, the ethnonation, and able thereby to require accounts in return.
To be clear from the start, we are marking a distinction of ethnonationalism from ethnosupremacism, the epistemological blunder, the natural fallacy of Nazism, which was supremacist and imperialist, as Hitler believed state borders were a fiction that were merely enforced by brute force and should be violated by the powerful people, imposing their will to power in accordance with his natural fallacy – this is not nationalism, nor socialism for that matter. His natural fallacy followed a logic of meaning and action beyond (or below, as it were) the accountability and correctivity of the praxis of the social world, to runaway – to destruction. Our aim is the systemic autonomy that the social construction of ethnonationalism facilitates, and preservation of human and other natural species which borders assure, not a race struggle with the aim of annihilating those who do not want be subject, subsumed and eliminated in a battle for supremacy.
Ethnonationalism is the opposite, defending species against supremacism and imperialism.
As opposed to this runaway quest of modernity, clinging to subhuman nature in struggle for supremacy and imperialism, the turn to ethnonationalism wields the power of common interests to cooperate, thus security over anxiety, death, emptiness, meaninglessness, guilt, condemnation, subsuming these existential dreads into the meaningful context of our social capital, its history and future.
The ethnonation gives verifiable structure to the history and systemic breadth that hermeneutics critically affords – the historical narrative of our people, our broad systemic perspective in coherent meaning, contextualizing and transcending mere facticity, beyond duress of betrayal and the natural fallacy of momentary or episodic struggle.
Nationalism, true nationalism, that is to say ethnonationalism, requires a paradigmatic adjustment in the narrative we go by – not to deny the place of self, but to place its relevance within the meaning of a large, but delimited group – the nation (species) and the race (genus) along with its regions being about the largest practical unit of analysis to stave off the abyss of indifference that confronts the limits of our natural parameters.
There is an irony here as the epoch of Modernity is brought to a conclusion, its universal quests, its obliviousness to differences that make a difference, it’s impervious internationalism brings home the interdependent need among the nations for border control to facilitate human and pervasive ecology.
That is, national border control provides the apparatus for population management – the correctability of Praxis, which is approximately synonymous with social systemic homeostasis, the deliberate management of human ecology only practical through the alleged artifice of nationalism and its coordination among ethnonationalsm, without which there will be stasis, brutal stasis such as the virus.
We should have been able to do this before the disaster hit, but liberals…they are just too cool for the rest of us, aren’t they?
Now, you don’t have to look at things that way, you can go back to the blindered perspective of self actualization and the magic hand which you think owes very little to your ethnonation, but I don’t recommend it and I’d have people take a look at people like you when the nation’s people are down on their luck.
Ethnonational management facilitates the establishment of control variables and the biodiversity, the flexibility for an ecology that will best assure our survival and advance.
We are speaking of very real human biodiversity, more horizontal in nature, not the red cape, singularly lateralized Steve Sailer sham of comparative I.Q. that he has the nerve to call “human bio diversity” – the lateralism that you rightfully fear, having power to wield all that modern apparatus and same old narcissistic Abrahamic world view indifferent to the difference of your human ecology as might thrive in a diversity of ethnonationalism.
This international crisis demonstrates how interdependent we are on borders and interpersonal bounds, to protect the ecology of our genome, i.e., on not being forced to be so inextricably enmeshed with one another and not be subject to the coercive social engineering, the artificial halo of sainthood of no account, self righteous, imposed pan mixia to the destruction of ancient genome in this universal, most evangelical religion of modernity – which some would call secularized Abrahamism, a tag of which I could agree.
This world view takes us to a new paradigm from the Judeo/Christian, its enlightenment reaction of Descartes and Locke, to a world view centered existentially through praxis, and not misdirected from that centering by the red cape abuses of the concept by the YKW; rather we hold fast to this paradigm, the social connection of our embedded, emergent groups, race, nation, sub groups, family, and to responsibility, to ourselves in coordination with outgroups for our common interest, manageable by group – the nation being the optimal unit of power to maintain ourselves against out-group antagonism, indifference and brute corrections like the virus.
This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance and reality of social grouping, and the possibility of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.
As such, it prompts consciousness of a paradigmatic shift from the prevailing internationalist liberal paradigm, to one of paradigmatic conservatism.
The Post Modern, hermeneutic turn, is a turn from the Caresian estrangement of Modernity to a centering in Praxis, our people, which is entirely consonant with ethnonationalism and its coordination with fellow ethnonationals.
The ethnonational state in particular, is an existential entity. That is, it facilitates the re-centering of our Western world view in Praxis – social group – taking us out of Cartesian estrangement, runaway and reaction to brute corrective stasis, to a centraliztion of ethnonationalist social groups, with their capacity to structure systemically corrective homeostasis by means of accountability; which also facilitates coherence, agency and warrant to coordinate with other human ecologies and pervasive ecology.
In this paradigmatic shift we are taking the post modern turn to praxis – the social outlook, the centralization of our world view through our people groups, most powerfully by nation, as opposed to the non-social, i.e. non human modernist reaction to sophistry and its abuses of the social realm, which shuns our capability for interactive, agentive correction and seeks relief from that responsibility by claims of narrow, if not pure warrant at either end of the Cartesian extreme, beyond nature, or below human nature, in natural fallacy – either way, beyond correction, beyond accountability, with impervious claims of objectivity free of interests and accountability, and liable to runaway, to disaster, such as befalls us and has befallen us.
In quarantine of our shut borders and social distancing, we may experience the time to dwell, to dwell in our emergence, among our emergent habitat and folk, to hold fast, maintain and evince our truth.
It is a time to slowly look at our situation in its broad concern, take what we need in essence and give thanks – thankian.
This anti Cartesianism, call it social constructionism as you should, is about focusing attention on our interrelatedness, re establishing the capacity to unionize our interests, not a matter of some esoteric and vast undertaking of psychological transformation, but a highly pragmatic act, an ordinary, straight away available act of unionization in our genetic interests, recognizing and reminding one another of our inter relation, indebtedness to one another and thus accountability – but with that comes the aforementioned reward of coherence, agency and warranted assertability.
There is an irony being revealed in this crisis, of the interdependent need for border control to facilitate human and pervasive ecology.
The irony of interdependence means that we are interdependent upon the discrete border control and population management that nationalism affords.
Hence the Paradigmatic shift from the globalizing liberal hegemony is set forth. Thanks be to the forces of pattern.
While the Sophists wield their casuistry to no end, assailing our people with charges of racism and supremacism, gaslighting us wherever we do not want our kind to die, our people have been maneuvered into thinking that there is only one response – Cartesian, a quest for infallible warrant within brute nature, below human systemic correctabiltiy, or beyond human systemic correctability in god, the king, the over-men, pure principles, the magic market hand, whatever – just so long as one can find some “pure account”, final relief from the responsibilities of human existence, from praxis, the ability to say bluntly by contrast, “that’s just the way it is.”
The affliction thus, is a prompt to retrieve us back from Cartesian estrangement from social accountability, and the weaponized charge to be above group interest as racist, as if we should not be responsible for the management of our kinds and their coordination with others, as if we should view people from some pure, a-historical perspective.
Praxis, the group homeostasis, by contrast, facilitates necessary optimization, mindful and deliberate correctability by means of ethnonationalism as it recognizes human nature, our concern for relationships, especially more kindred ones, recognizes our agency and its reflexive effects, our fallibility of perspective, and the expectation that oversights can be corrected through accounts requested; but that our reward will be in vast temporal and historical coherence, our social capital, along with the means to coordinate with alien groups as they are appraised and respected for their niche differences.
That again, is by contrast to modernity, which runs rough shod over borders and bounds, and where it does not kill other groups, kill us, destroys the common earthly habitat.
Rom Harre:
To socialization thereof (in the social world of social group(s)/praxis): At birth, as Rom Harre says, a “person position” enters into “the one a-priori context, molecules and persons in conversation” – practically speaking, persons in relation to one another. Even if you’d like to focus on the emergent qualities, and differencing capacity of molecules, you are still in the context of social interaction, in conversation about it – or else your point merely awaits an interlocutor.
We are born into the social category, its substance, which – yes, includes molecules and DNA, with their causative properties – gives us the structure (some, physical structure, I should say) to any individuality that we have (our auto/biography gives us the narrative structure); ethnonationalism provides contextual history, an approving audience, thus purpose and meaning beyond the delimitation of our life span; ensconcing the value of our life span.
And person positions act as correctives in the moral order that emerges out of the practical requirements of social interaction.
Now, what I would add is that if the patterns of the folk are consistent enough, the correctives will be veritably institutionalized by common understanding – no need for continual enforcement, invasive accounts requested; while some people will be in position at least for at time to better adjudicate how to facilitate the homeostasis of the moral order, the rule structure of the moral order will carry more weight than any single person or small group of people because it is an expression of the emergent qualities of the homogeneous folk – thus commonly understood and suitable. Our emergent qualities are so much a matter of co-evolution that our intuition does form something like an internal relation as to how to proceed upon a given episode…however:
There is an analogy to the introduction of invasive species to habitats where the species are naive – not having evolved defense against the invasive; but while this tends to be a phenomenon of accident in the animal world – e.g., invasive species being carried along in ships – it can be compounded by deliberate imposition in the social world.
Invasive Species/Naive Species Analogy
With particular attention to the Manichean (trickster) evolution of those evolved in temperate climates where competition is more against other groups (thus, evolving trickery) as opposed to those evolved in climates where nature, Augustinian challenges (natural challenges) are the greater concern, i.e., in protracted spans when food and shelter are the greatest challenge and threat to survival: we might consider what can happen when Manicheans are introduced to habitats of the northern, “naive” species
Naive species and the introduction of manichean species
Social groups evolved in circumstances where brutal and cyclical elements of nature deprive food and ready shelter for extended periods are less the challenge, are put in more direct competition with other groups [hypothesized of Middle Easterners] for easier resource and recourse in shelter; thus develop trickery (“Manichean devils”) to compete with the other groups for resource as opposed to those [hypothesized of Europeans, esp. north] evolved more in the circumstances where the challenge comes more from brute nature (“Augustinian devils”); who become stronger in STEM disciplines but somewhat naive species and socially gauche – dupes compared to Manicheans if they are introduced to their habitat (nation); and providing more reason for them to recognize these groups, despite any crypsis (phenotypic appearance like the in-group despite being of a genetic outgroup), more reason to recognize them as out groups – belonging to another nation.
While the powers that be with their liberal “pan-mixia” agenda are of course only reluctant protectors of the borders and ever the more pernicious abusers of control of individual liberties within the borders by means of modern technology and the excuse of pandemic, the key counter to them is, of course, achieving ethnohomogeneity and focus on how to do it.
This is to be done by means of the DNA Nations and unionization on its basis.
And once our unions are big enough, we can work on coordinating a union of unions, the union being synonymous with the ethno-nation, union of unions being the race, and we may cooperate with non-European nations who are similarly accountable.
The union would be of the (species) ethnonation, with a looser union of the (genus) say, European nations and diaspora, calibrating the social concern, taking care of in group concerns and coordinating with out groups to facilitate mutual interests. I have found it useful and predictable by contrast to our antagonists agenda to call this concern the ethnonational left, but it is fundamentally about unionizing the full group, or ethnonation as it were, not about internecine class warfare. The Nation is the class and the race, as it were, is the class of classes.
Whether a particular ethnonation wants to be more or less fee enterprise or socialist is not my particular concern; this is not a platform advocating the doing away with free enterprise and private property and within reason – though a sizable percentage of land and certain key industries should probably be state owned.
I would only add in regard to economics, that there is no pure capitalism or socialism, and that people should come to terms with a concern to optimize the balance for their social group – and that is why I can sound socialist – partly because I want to get people over the phobia to the term that the cold war and YKW anti-European misuse of the concern has engendered to anything that expresses a social concern.
Calling this left ethnonationalism also does a good job of putting off the assholes who are indeed anti social, inhumane, and closed minded about the obvious opportunity that’s been available to move into this moribund term to define it for ourselves, for out interests – putting off people who are frankly dupes to the YKW red caping of these terms and unwilling to let go of their reactionary security blanket and think outside of the box to do with the term what is done with it in the depth grammar of the left anyway, that is set the calibration of the world view – a union of our people(s – ethnonational unions plural).
Whereupon heremeneutics can serve its function to integrate these heuristics, working hypotheses, specificatory structures with its capacity to move inquiry from broad systemic and historical breadth, imagination, as need be, which can then be corrected against the empirical end as need be; where those fascinated by right wing concerns (usually STEM types) can do what they like to do and be of indispensable constructive good; instead of stigmatizing our people with anti social and inherently destabilizing reactions to red cape misrepresentations “The left”, they can actually participate in homeostasis of our systems by offering feedback with the facts, science, “truth”, objectivity, principles, etc., which will not come unhinged as they are ensconced in the correctivity of praxis as the calibration.
Hermeneutic inquiry can start from the empirical end as well; indeed it starts from sensibility somewhere along the line to begin and then recognizes patterns that it must take for granted; but it should recognize the sense of its utility being feedback approximately gauged against and corrective of the calibration of praxis – one must be able to take certain important things for granted in order to proceed in practicality: “Even a false or inadequate working hypothesis is better than no working hypothesis” ….“one cannot continually investigate everything but must work from a given state of partial knowledge.” – Whitehead.
And the Praxis of our people is certainly better than a false or inadequate working hypothesis. It is a solid social (left) calibration awaiting (right) feedback.
Person positions act as ready corrections on the system when it veers from homesostasis.
And so we are presented with opportunity with this long overdue correction to move from internationalist globalism to nationalism, and specifically ethnonationalism and the accountability to human species and pervasive ecology on the optimal power level of social systemic homeostasis that ethnonational borders most practically sustain.
Correction by “person positions” is not quite contingent upon the clumsy mechanism of voting, let alone extended to a full franchise of national members, let alone to foreigners.
What I gathered that the recently departed Rom Harre was doing with this idea of “person positions” was rather providing a corrective to the Lockeatine empty slate equalitarian notion, as if it were to say the perspective, understanding, etc, of all persons, wherever they were in life, were in an equally capable position, stage of development, condition, state of knowledge, having a perspective that should weigh equally. A “position” rather, indicates that people are in different stages of development, are afforded a better or worse perspective, have more or less knowledge, sufficient experience and judgment or not.
Hence, certain positions will be better placed to make policy decisions, or rather uphold them for the most part – yet the occupant of the position is not paramount, nor the risk of short term perspective being corrupted for re-election every four years, in short term interests, because the ethnonation is set, calibrated on its pattern – historical, in broad systemic breadth and interaction and future trajectory beyond the life span, while the life span is nevertheless ennobled for its concrete and honorable place.
These correctives may work more like fluid feedback than the clumsy mechanism of the vote, which divides issues as if, on balance, you’re going to be comfortable if a vote for putting your foot in boiling water narrowly loses to the vote for putting your other foot in freezing water. Ethnonationals will generally know what is requisite.
The affliction thus, is a prompt to retrieve us back from Cartesian estrangement, its clumsy dichotomies and disconnects from social accountability, and the weaponized charge to be above group interest as racist, as if we should not be responsible for the management of our kinds and their coordination with others, as if we should view people from some pure, a-historical perspective.
The Praxis, social systemic homeostasis is maintained in ongoing correctivity by an understanding of the borders and bounds of the nation, and while all are responsible to abide those rules, those entrusted because of their greater competence and knowledge will be providing more of what can be deemed corrective feedback in a fluid manner as to actions to be taken to maintain the borders and bounds rather than the clumsy mechanism of voting on an issue – if people have one foot in ice water and the other in boiling water, on balance, they are happy, yes? While I am not ready to propose dispensing with voting, voting is clumsy, and some matters, such as borders, bounds, kind and quantity of the ethnogroup, and probably an option for institutionalized monogamy with some incentives for those who would opt for it, should not be up for the vote.
The systemic correctability of the agentive and social interactive world that is called praxis, that is the difference between centralizing it, calibrating it as world view as opposed to the Cartesian duality and the runaway that it is susceptible to at its two extremes – one in natural fallacy and the other of ideals – these proposed narrowing and attempted absolutizing quests characterizing right wing reaction are inherently unstable, informing and sustaining liberal hubris unchecked as well, until runaway is confronted with stasis; whereas paradigmatic conservatism, what I call left ethnonationlaism, ensconces our people with borders of the nations and bounds of our people unionized, to sustain accountability, constraining in a good way of bracing, balancing corrective of systemic coherence as opposed to elite betrayal, rank and file and marginal defection that brings on runaway and disaster.
There may be subsidiarity which fulfill human scale concerns better than the state, but systemic power is held in place by national borders which are big enough to hold up, particularly in coalition, in ethnonational coordination, against liberal globalist interests.
This unionization of national borders calibrated, the fundamental task will be readily understood – paradigmatic conservatism – person positions providing feedback with a minimum of accounts requested necessary.
Nevertheless, there would certainly be no room for the discretion of those who would violate the union because they do not care, let alone because they are antagonistic. Accountability to our people is part and parcel of a position, especially an elite position in the structure.
As I have discussed many times, the Lockeatine notion of individual civil rights was devised as a mechanism to empower individual sense and liberty over group classificatory discrimination to begin with; and while that mechanism might not have been entirely disastrous in a relatively homogeneous population, as it has been weaponized by outgroups who’ve manged to find their ways into elite positions over our nations, they have bribed would-be insider elites to liberalize our borders and bounds (with the hubris that they are objectively above accountability to our would-be union) and pandered to marginals and rank and file, particularly to puerile females, exacerbating their base proclivity to incite genetic competition and compound the ongoing rupture of classificatory bounds of patterns, incentivizing the puerile to exercise license (licentiousness, if you will) with greater prerogative than ever as very powerful gate-keepers, pandered to from every angle as discriminatory borders that would protect the developmental process the would provide for the greater human ecology of k-selection judgment is ruptured, and by the hypergamous predilection of their increased one up position within the disorder they allow primarily the most liberal males through the top, maintaining a charmed loop that continually reconstructs the liberal disorder, while the gains these females yield are ever more episodic and momentary, as relationships and long term patterns are further destroyed. Many will pay the price, many will be single mothers reliant on the state to force servitude to their bastard children.
Such is the predicament of Modernity’s universal maturity.
Rather than trying to undo the psychology of individualism or the fear of collectivism, we may adhere to the mere practicality, to just focus on reasoned borders and bounds, accountability thereof ..unionization.
When talking in terms of DNA Nations, the lack of popularity of concern for curating genetic kinds would be a dubious rebut as well. It is obviously a natural and popular concern to curate our genetic kinds.
Again, this is about preserving kinds, quite distinct from Nazistic eugenic program of elimination.
And regarding liberalism, it is a false alternative to right wing tyranny – really coming from the same pseudo objectivist place along with its hubris – of Modernity’s scientism, particularly in its weaponized form, we might ask if our peoples should be subject to its wild experimentation? The cruel, bullying, no account disregard that pseudo objectivism props up?
Should we not look critically at those anti-ethnonationalists, who would pander to the puerile lack of experience, and encourage judgments not only from their limited experience, but on the basis of episode rather than pattern, as the episode reins in the fallout and disorder of modernity, pandering to their basest nature to incite genetic competition without the judgment of experience nor the empathy of paternal perspective, with a view that maybe they are not of our people and should not be considered a part of our nation?
Should those who would hazard and flout the profundity of our time in memorial patterns be allowed to visit the consequences of their perfidy upon us? Or should they find a place beyond our borders that welcomes their experiment? Let them not subject us to catastrophic effects, consequences of experiment uncontrolled by paradigmatic conservatism, impose involuntary contract upon us by their neo liberal hegemonic backing, enslave us with subservience to the arbitrarily mixed bastards of the crass R selection upshot, as the atavistic criteria of episode, its display held sway in the fall out and disorder of modernity, its purport of universal maturity, rupturing patterns, let them not visit upon us the deadly effects of their hubris in arbitrary experiment.
We are violating nobody’s freedom – they are free to leave. They will not violate the ethnonationalist’s freedom. If they try to impose liberalization of our group bounds upon us, to introduce unassimilable species, then they are the supremacists and the would be slave masters who would exploit our peoples commons, therefore ostracism is warranted.
Bateson liked to quote William Blake in saying “wise men see lines and therefore they draw them” and I might observe that the lines of formal categorizations, when it comes to human ecologies, are classifcatory heuristics of largely biological, systemic patterns and as biological patterns, governed by matters of optimization invariably subject to correction, whether homeostatic, i.e., from within the system, or as a matter of brute stasis, correction from without the system, where modernity’s growth and maximization have taken to systemic runaway – then subject to stasis correction of the virus, for example.
How do we marshal ethnonationalism despite the fact that the elites are neo liberal and will be sure to be promoting international pan mixia, with all its ecological destruction, the moment the pandemic subsides? They will undoubtedly tell stories of our common humanity shown by the pandemic and how we overcame racism…
Through the sort of unionization and coordination thereof afforded by the DNA| Nations concept, we may organize irrespective of their nefarious trajectory and parallel to their powers. If some in elite and powerful positions want to join us, fine, be on the winning side, but if not, we don’t need them and will not be haplessly subject to their oblivious whims and decrees. Nor do we need any vast psychological transformation, as this is a highly practical means.
Pervasive Ecology, Paradigmatic Conservatism and The DNA Nations.
There will be few rules which everybody understands – border and species population management – emergent qualities of co-evolution take care of much of the rest, almost intuitively: thus, no need for a dictatorship, king of exception, or conversely, no need to expound upon the clumsy and corruptible mechanism of voting, let alone full franchise among those unequipped for good judgment.
This platform is concerned foremost, as as ever with borders and boundaries.
There are obvious means of national control: Unionization of our ethonnationals, Citizenship, Passports, Marriage Licenses, Birth Certificates, Border control and Benefits of Citizenship/ conversely, non-inclusion of those who should not be members to begin with and punishment most markedly by loss of citizenship and expulsion for those violating that human ecology once under our control. Practicality and consequences through ordinary interaction being the essence of morality, then come patterns taken for granted. There is no transcending moral concerns – there will always be prohibitions, obligations and legitimacies.
We are of patterns which are part of deeply co-evolved ecological systems – hence, while the modernist, with their license to liberalize, might proceed obliviously unaware and if they are among the lucky to not be wrecked in the early rounds of systemic deterioration, and gain in hubris, bolstered in the epoch to self righteous liberation from social responsibility to proclaim virtue enough by themselves to mock those suffering in resistance as the enemies of their presumed noble progress…
and in regard to those wrecked and falling through the cracks of the system’s less and less infrequent intermittent failings, those precariously marginalized by the failure to comprehend the system, getting swept away in the tide of its systemic runaway, while the puerile giddiness of purported universal maturity is met with the sobering discipline of stasis correction another day, before deliberate, mature, preemptive correction could be enacted, having been shunned aside blithely under the rubric of progress and liberation from group interrelatedness and responsibility…Bateson came to his last meeting an angry man. He warned the puerile. It isn’t funny.
Bateson warned that the road to hell could be paved with bad intentions as well (see my post on the charmed loop of didactic incitement) with catastrophic violence being incited through ethnocentrism gone rogue to ethno supremacism, in singular concerned for one nation, takes the natural fallacy or a god beyond nature in their image in a zero sum game which must be won at the expenses of others; the other road to catastrophic violence, of narcissistic obliviousness to human interests, niche evolution and diversity.
But whether disciplined by the overseers of homeostasis, or by brute stasis, a paradigmatic shift from Modernity and liberalism is augured.
And of the pandemic, you can easily picture Bateson not relishing the presaging but saying anyway, “I told you so.”
This international affliction that we are experiencing and the national responses of border control and social distancing confirm the importance and the possibility of maintaining national borders and interpersonal bounds.
It shows the need for coordinated nationalism, as opposed to the integrating and mixing forces of globalism, with the impervious idea that change leads to “progress”, to some perfect foundation, caused like a force of nature beyond our agency (how optimistic? I think I’d prefer agency) while we must indeed be concerned that ethnonationalism is secured against these globalizing, universalizing forces such as the Abrahamic religions, its bastard children, Descrartes, Locke, Marx, the Neoliberals, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, Karl Popper, George Stigler and Ludwig von Mises, against deployment of neo liberal compradors to quash nascent ethnonationalism
Rejecting the invisible hand through social accountability marshaled by unionization of our people against corrupt elites will facilitate the securing of our nations, our borders and bounds. When the few rules are broadly understood and borders and bounds secure, there will be no need for accounts requested among our co-evolutionaries to go wild and rogue, Stasi style.
To whom it may concern, we can take the essence directly into our hands by unionization, the coherence, accountability, agency, and warrant it facilitates to coordinate human and pervasive ecology by means of the DNA Nations. This is a parallel measure which does not call for the renouncing of your current citizenship and certainly not a call for violence.
That which is above praxis or below praxis (social grouping) by way of Descartes, portends to be beyond correctability, beyond deliberate, social systemic homeostasis, and is therefore subject to stasis – natural corrections, disasters, or out group correction of the hubris of believing that one is above group interests.
And yes, this union includes the interests, the intrinsic being valued of boys and men. We produce these women. They don’t exist without us.
The ecological argument that unionization affords also provides strong warrant for those who’ve long lived and earned the right to live (to practice ethnonational bordering) along side the indigenous, as in the examples of European diaspora in the America’s, Australia and New Zealand. Border Control and population management is necessary to preserve habitat and its carrying capacity for both indigenous and Europeans in diaspora. This probably entails some help and coordination in population, resource and habitat management for other places as well, so that they are not compelled to attempt migration over borders.
….We have now reached a moment at which we can begin to know something of the process of this phony and crooked disease in the pathway we are following. At present, I don’t think there are very many of us. A few thousand maybe. But this is a very extraordinary epoch in which this knowledge is now becoming a part of the thinking of quite a lot of people. Thank god.
– Gregory Bateson, “Paradigmatic Conservatism.”
I propose The Charmed Loop of Didactic Incitement as a useful elaboration on Bateson’s Double Bind Theory.
The Double Bind was first proposed by Bateson in “Toward a Theory of Schizophrenia.”
On a broad level, the article is pivotal in taking psychology out of the head and into interaction.
Specifically, the double bind entails:
1. A preliminary paradoxic injunction such as
“I am a liar”
“Disobey me”
“Be spontaneous!”
These are inherently contradictory statements..
“Be a man!” could be another probably as it implies that you should be in power, when you are being commanded as a weakling.
2. A prohibition of metacommunication – talk about talk to clarify the confusion. Particularly on a relational level to sort out the confusion, particularly to help the “victim’ to sort out the confusion and their relational status with the “victimizer.”
3. A tertiary re-framing which prevents escape from the circumstance – for example, a child as dependent upon their parents cannot easily escape the field, and is therefore, confronted with an intolerable choice between protecting their capacity for sensible judgement or the relationship – as mammals, relationships are profoundly important. And they begin to manifest communological pathologies (in a futile attempt to protect the necessary resource of their faculties, as one cannot not communicate).
Notes:
Bateson incorporates much from Aristotle in his philosophy; and that is outstanding, as much of the problems that we are having in modernity would have been averted with adherence to Aristotlean philosophy: centralizing our social world view/politics, i.e., in praxis, recognizing our biological and mammalian nature requiring optimal need fulfillment (not maximal), a nature which cares for relationships, our relative concerns not objective detachment like an egg laying lizard; and on the other hand, our objective, systemic, ecological interrelation in these balances and niche evolutions. Our human capacity for agency and reflexive effects.. these wise considerations are traceable to Aristotle. This is not an affectation to British philosophy, it is British philosophy at its best, incorporating ideas that he finds empirically true.
Ok, it’s time for a statement. The pandemic brings into high relief the both the importance and the possibility of border and boundary control.This strikes a major blow to one of the major claims of liberalism and neo liberalism suggesting that human and pervasive ecology cannot possibly be managed by means of nationalism. Which I suspect all honest people believe. ..whether it can be done without a Stasi-like police state is the concern and theoretical obstacle. But this does not really strike me as a double bind…rather, there seems to be many ways out, some I’ve indicated. You’ve got to love the way accountability, correctability and social systemic maintenance go hand in hand.
Correctability, centering moral order in the relative interests of our people. Morals and moral orders come not from god but from a practical negotiation between people in interaction and consequences.
And as we request accounts from our people to their social capital, they are drawn back from the runaway of ideals or natural fallacy into the correctability of our social system our union and the freedom and autonomy that it affords.
And that is, after all, what we are after, our autonomous systemic governance, human and pervasive ecology and its coordination as opposed to the runaway disaster of liberalism, neo liberalims, the internationalism of Marxism and Cultural Marxism.
It is important to note that correctability does not have to mean wholesale franchise to the whole group no matter how ignorant or ill disposed toward our group interests, not even the clumsy apparatus of voting, but it does imply feedback from the whole group; and with various especially worthy inputs to correct against systemic breach whether high, rank and file or those on the margins, even those struggling. It is important to note that with border control taken for granted, and the trust of a homogeneous people, accounts requested can be kept to a minimum, to answer those who fear a Stasi-like snoop and surveillance state.
The optimizing of our praxis, our social systemic homeostasis through the normative practice of correctability will distinguish us from right wing perfidy such as Nazism and other supremacist, right wing perfidy.
We are rather flexbile about the way individuals conduct themselves and the way particular states conduct themselves provided they manage their borders and bounds.
The DNA Nations can sort our our group concerns and it can also sort out our personal concerns. I’d like to be talking about that with you in days to come.
One part that I haven’t been able to get going despite my social constructionist perspective, is that knowledge construction is supposed to be more actively participatory, while people seem to be inclined to leave me in the lurch, wanting me to occupy the position of a self proclaimed authority transmitting information to a passive audience whilst I, in return, am subject to ad hominum, if any semblance of feedback – for reasons that I’ve belabored, not adoring Hitler, Jesus, YKW and scientism … lack of a 200 I.Q. and STEM proclivities doesn’t seem to ingratiate me with the boys either, but…that’s what I’m saying ..if you’re so damn smart, show me where to fix things, huh?
I’m not telling the English, the British to do anything. I am endorsing their ethnonationalism, focusing on the issue of borders and boundary management which will be a matter of some sort of unionization, whether you want to acknowledge that or not….the matter for ethnonationlists being a unionization of natives, of course. Paradigmatic Conservatism calls for strong ethnonational borders; the ways which people conduct themselves within are more flexible and up to them.
You are based in your unionized, accountable, coherent, correctable, stabilized social group systemic as opposed to the inherently unstable right wing reactionary positions that our enemies try to steer us into as white right wingers, rigidly seeking an answer in pure warrant absurdly beyond group accountability.
Absent this unionization, our females will be pandered to from all sides, even in their puerile ignorance, bringing out the worst aspects of the female, their propensity for inciting genetic competition and hypergamy, often rewarding men who are decidedly undeserving, unconscientious.
There should be no objections to the DNA Nations concept. There is no ethical objections to the quest to maintain our kinds.
While securing territory is crucial, it is not the insurmountable per-requisite if we coordinate through the unionization of dna nations, which is not contingent upon territory.. though habitat is of course crucial, and Europe especially, ethically ours.
We can do this for everybody, and if we care to preserves animal species and habitats, and we certainly should, we certainly need to do this for humans as well.
The structure of the ethnonational system and its homeostasis decides, not the particular person, let alone dictator or king. While there will be people more qualified to make decisions, the positions should be understood as mutable, while a few matters, such borders, quantities and kinds of the people, an option for institutionalized monogamy, should be fixed.
Horrible as the Pandemic is, it is showing both the importance and the possibility of border and boundary control, striking a major blow to one of the major claims of liberalism and neo liberalism that its impossible, that ethnonationalism cannot be done. It can be done.
Nor do not find at all convincing objections to the concept of unionization as somehow not consonant with nationalism, or merely post hoc and top down to the emergent qualities of ethnonationalism – it is a back and forth process flow from observation and working hypothesis – as our people will have to be held to account at any rate. Neither is it an imposition on English or an affectation to any ethnonationalism. On the contrary it is about ethnonationalist borders and bounds, including in the case of The English
The world crisis can contribute to a great counteraction of liberalism and people will be forced to reconsider the importance of borders and bounds and leaders will be held to account as well….in timely fashion, developing structures beforehand rather than reacting when disaster has impacted.
A paradigmatic shift is instigated from internationalist globalism to nationalism, and specifically, ethnonationalism – paradigmatic conservatism – which structures accountability to human ecologies, species, pervasive ecology and social systemic homeostasis, autonomous correctivity afforded at the power level that autonomous nations in coordinated interest most practically sustain.
Gauguin: More than one disease introduced to natives. One wasn’t his fault but… he tried to cure it.
While Christianity can be a vehicle for imperialism for Whites/Europeans, it’s ultimate trajectory brings those colonized under Abrahamic (Judaic) jurisdiction…..

I may have sold Gauguin short in terms of his ethnographic conscientiousness. I’d been citing him as an example of the “artistic genius” who wasn’t worth it for his moral failing. There is still a good measure of truth to that, but he may not have been quite as heinous and without effort to be considerate as I had thought in terms of concern for what is important to other people – at least those of Tahiti and their culture. My line had been that as an artist he is as satisfying as any to me, nevertheless as a man who infected who knows how many native girls with syphilis, he was a killer. His art, no matter how good, not worth that behavior.

Even so, as I watch this biography, a couple of mitigating facts are revealed. True, he still would have infected at least one native girl with syphilis. However, he married her and apparently did not know that he had the disease when he infected her. Still bad, of course, as there was no effective treatment for the disease even with French civilization settled there. Add to that his knowledge of the risks of his own promiscuity beforehand along with his ultimate abandonment of his first wife, French wife and kids back in France.



However, the biography reveals that before he fell ill, he was really concerned to find and help preserve the authentic Tahitian people and culture. With that, he was dismayed by the impact of French civilization and missionaries, how they’d already by his time begun to destroy the native culture. He was particularly bothered by the imposition of Christian schooling upon the native children that had by then caused them to lose their native religion. He would actually go to the children and their parents with a French law book – reading them their rights so that they would know that they did not have to go to the missionary school. Finally, he went so far as to try to recreate their native religious stories in writing and in his paintings…


Chief Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren: “Activism” Over “Restraint”

An integral case demonstrating the discourse positioning Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter as the hand of restraint and Chief Justice Earl Warren as the overly daring progressive (but still “reasonable centrist, whose position was amicably settled for by”..)
In Justice for all, Earl Warren and the Nation that He Made
Jim Newton, a revolting hack on behalf of Jewish interests at the Los Angeles Times, portrays former Supreme Court Chief Justice, Earl Warren, the prime “Activist.”

Newton shows us where the term “Activist” came about, viz. in a disingenuous Jewish polemic of The U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren who was categorized as the representative of valiant “Activist” centrists on the court, who went beyond the “Restraint” of fellow Supreme Court Justice, Felix Frankfurter.
Hence, the masters of discourse have set the parameters of debate.
With that, Newton stealthily sets Frankfurter’s Jewish machinations into the taken for granted norm while representing Warren as a maverick – rather than as a reactionary dupe, steered by Frankfurter’s designs.
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6592640
Firstly, we learn from NPR (that’s not National Puerto Rican Radio, but almost)’s interview of James Newton where the popular connotation of “activism” comes from: it means to act decisively and with unanimity on behalf of liberal principles, as defined by Jewish interests.
“Activism in the judiciary”
Earl Warren, Hugo Black, and William Douglas are rendered by Newton as the “activist” judges, while he follows the portrayal of Felix Frankfurter as the hand of restraint, the voice of reason.

In truth, Frankfurter, one of the first Jews on the Supreme Court, was the “activist” on the court (whereas Warren was a reactionary dupe). Frankfurter was chief architect and advocate of the school desegregation that resulted in the Brown vs. Board of Education desegregation decision; in addition to being one of the first Jewish Supreme Court Justices, he was the first Justice to appoint a Negro clerk to the Supreme Court (a clerk who was on the team making diligent and ultimately effective efforts for forced integration, of course). Frankfurter had always had a very “progressive” position.
Yet, Newton refers to Frankfurter as the principle advocate of ‘restrained judiciary.’
As Warren reacted in purist, liberal ideological mechanism, Frankfurter positioned himself as the moderate. While Warren overstepped the “restrained judiciary”, Frankfurter was “concerned” that “the dumb Swede” would run roughshod the court’s jurisdiction and undermine its legitimacy.
Warren took the bait, with typical White ambition in pursuit of innocence and power at once, and was duped into initiative over and against Frankfurter’s “Restraint” (goodness, Frankfurter could have fainted at such importunance) claiming that Restraint “was shirking duty, as one should decide not avoid.”
Thus, Warren self-righteously “led the charge” (was duped into reacting) into desegregation and integrationism.
With his purist “duty” Warren sought a “unanimous court on behalf of Brown” – his singularly marked accomplishment. Any dissent would have “given quarter to opponents.”
In his initial address, exercising his prerogative to speak first before the court upon his nomination as Chief Supreme Court Justice:
Regarding the pending Brown vs. Board of Education decision, and given the background that his recent appointment (as a liberal) foreordained that the court would approve school desegregation, he said, “the only way that segregation can be upheld now” given the court’s banishment of it henceforth, “would be to conclude that Blacks were inferior to Whites.”
Frankfurter and Jackson (the other “restrained member”), being “so restrained” would never want to be so immoderate as to be on the wrong side of such a reasonable judgment. No, they had to humbly accept the position (that Frankfurter’s gang had cunningly devised). But Newton rather claims that Warren, not Frankfurter, had “framed the debate in such a way as to nudge along the very Restrained Frankfurter.”
I’d like for the right-wingers out there to see how heavily those opposed to Whites depend upon Whites foolishly falling into the Jewish canard of arguing against the positions of their best interests – e.g., taking the equality/inequality issue to cunningly maneuver Whites into tactless arguments on behalf of inequality and superiority (as opposed to qualitative difference).
It is qualitative difference of patterns that are important.
Note how Jewish interests bury their position as something taken for granted: Warren “wanted unanimity” because a divided court would send a message that would have given quarter to those who would resist integration. A unanimous court on behalf of integration is a singular accomplishment that can be attributed to Warren, expressing his wish to combine legal result with “moral imperative”, and while that did not effect integration as quickly as Warren would have liked, it had the effect of backing early “civil rights” activists with conviction that Warren’s court was on their side….what a nerdy, “modest gain the ‘dumb Swede” had really achieved with his imprudence, how much resistance was met unnecessarily for lack of Frankfuter’s Jewish “restraint” in this battle (against White sovereignty) which still, ‘regrettably’, has so far to go.”
While this obscene decision, with all that it willfully ignores, was “unsatisfactory” accomplished and met with “terrible resistance”, it did move things “modestly forward.” Hence, a severely anti-White advance is casually presented as a moderate gain; having met with resistance, shocking resistance, it needs still to go so much further – a presentation by the Jewish thinker, James Newton, L.A. Times.
You see, Frankfurter, “the voice of reason”, became disenchanted with Warren.
The most interesting thing is how the Jews got Whites to react to distinguish themselves as the most pure, most determined liberals. Having maneuvered the Whites as such, the Jews represented themselves as “the moderate position, which has nevertheless been met with a myriad of unreasonable obstructions and needs to go so much further.”
They proceed as if their Jewish angle is taken for granted as the normal, reasonable position.
While Warren was not so “unrestrained” as to water down the Brown decision and increase possibilities for its resistance by spreading its application against other areas of discrimination, it nevertheless became precedent for all subsequent discrimination decisions in American courts (such as matters of immigration).
“The principle of integration as a value of American society was not there pre-Warren.”
Earl Warren is the so-called “activist” centrist according to this Jewish narrative whereas Felix Frankfurter was the hand of “restraint.”
Dōgen

To learn Buddism is to know yourself
To know yourself is to forget yourself
To forget yourself is to identify yourself with the law of the universe – one with the universe
To be one with the universe is to “drop” the notion that you are one with the universe
Along with the body and mind of yourself and others – Dōgen
White Ethnonational Left defined by our interests, parts 1-14

White Ethnonational Left defined by our interests as opposed to liberal internationalism, Marxist internationalism, or sheer, anti-White cultural Marxism…
Text
Now there’s this thing called The Left, and with characterology, it is seen as a rigid personality type aiming to destroy White people and talented, successful people generally, by promoting artificial concepts in opposition to their natural place and deservingness which would emerge in their truth if the The Left, in its falseness, in its anti-truth, would just leave them alone. The Left is not a fungible political platform implemented by motivated individuals, it is a rigid character type with a rigid mind of its own, of remarkably consistent character, it always denies our truth, our science, makes impossible claims in its capacity to defy and redefine nature in social construction, to deny natural categories, to deny race-real facts and differences with fantastic narrative, until it comes time for their narratives of our historical oppression of others – then somehow race does exist, when its time for the left to mete out blame on the White race that does not otherwise exist according to THE Left. The Left is opposed to objective truth, nature, it always imposes artificial concepts on nature, The Left sees our excellence as privilege, as unjust, exploitative and always demands equality, denying the impossibility of equality and our true merit.
And by the way, this character burst on to the public scene larger than ever in 2008 to attack our good Jewish friends, who are in the same boat, attacked by resentful masses, social justice warriors misguided by the left who can’t see our natural merit.
The Left is always opposed to White people, including our White Jewish allies, it always has sob stories and compassion for the beleaguered to try to manipulate us – it resents nature itself for our success, high I.Q., wealth and the power its endowed us with; and will stop at nothing to hurt us and our Jewish allies in its travesty of nature and truth – defenders of truth and the hard lot of nature as we, the mature, the men and women speaking out on the right, we must stand together and finally do something against the lefties, this beast so consistent and impervious in its demands for equality, in its social justice warring, it alone is responsible for all manner of perversion and destruction – This, The left. We have been lied to about everything by The Left but we are waking up, we are red pilled to the left, as we say. Our friends on the right are waking up as well, our Jewish, black and anti-feminists friends on the right, Christians and pagans alike, folks on the right, ranging from historical revisionists seeing through the lies of the left to our Jewish friends who share a wish for a national homeland and borders against Muslim and Mexican invaders.
Ok, joke time is over, at least you’d think it would be, but we’re talking about right wingers now, whose gullibility, malleability and manipulable in reaction seems to know no bounds, whose propensity for conspiracy theory goes to all nutty speculative lengths, but whose suspicion falters where it should be most obvious and make most common sense.
You’d think it would occur to people concerned with White advocacy, that is to say concerned for advocacy of non-Jewish people of European descent, and their ethnonational bounds, how strange it is that there is this seemingly anthropomorphized political platform called “The Left” – that suddenly took off as THE preeminent problem as of 2008, whereafter seeming everybody in White advocacy and purported White advocacy has joined in unison against this arch enemy – a remarkably agreed upon enemy and an enemy of remarkably consistent character – the left.
..that emerged far and away as the preeminent super villain suddenly, coincidentally, after 2008, and has been more and a more consistently characterized and marketed a stereotype and it should be said, adopted as the super ordinate enemy by purported White advocacy.
Before that time, Political Correctness had been the prevailing term for the enemy camp for almost twenty years – and truth is, that was a far less misleading a term; that’s probably why it has fallen into disuse, our enemies seeking to divert and shelve it as the enemy descriptor, though its proper understanding was indeed captured very well, probably all too well, by William Lind, in his video, the history of political correctness – PC probably cut too close to the bone and needed to be replaced with an enemy seen also opposed to Jewish interests – that enemy being so called – The left.
Frankfurt School: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EjaBpVzOohs

Prior to PC, the term “Liberal” also had a bit more currency as the term for the enemy camp, and it was also less misleading a term for the enemy camp than “The Left” – in fact, in essence, probably most descriptive of the function of the advocacy of non-White antagonists and our own traitors as they “open bounds and borders, to liberalize them to formerly out groups as opposed to conserving in-group; but criticizing liberalism carried the unfortunate baggage of positioning oneself as a “conservative” by contrasts, associating one with inactivity, passivity, stodgy, backward, puritanical, weak and ineffectual among the incited burlesque of nature. While it nevertheless has had appeal to a certain audience, criticizing liberalism puts one in funny company, sitting there in the pews next to anti-racist brothers and sisters with bizarrely speculative beliefs in Christ.
None of these types have been penetrating enough to understand that they are conserving nothing but liberal principles – that they are conserving liberalism, adhering to a naive reaction, duped by the disingenuous language games of those who would eradicate or sell out of their EGI and its social capital. Even where these conservatives have some wryness with regard to the J.Q., they are only reconstructing some of its traps set against the relative interest of their EGI – such as Christianity, such as objectivism – whereupon they are made to live up to their rules in purity, Alinsky style, as hyperbolic objective rules against their relative group interests.
Thus, while I understand why those concerned with White interests would find “the left” as its been represented (misrepresented and abused as a concept) repulsive and reluctantly identify as right – despite all the right’s stupidity, inhumaneness, its pseudo objectivity and dodge of social accountability, identifying as such should be a little more than suspicious by now, as a position that our enemies want us to identify with, causing us to ask why they want us associated with the right and by contrast, now, through obvious clues in some of those most determined to join us in seeing THE LEFT depicted as our enemy, why they don’t want us to have a left identity.
And it isn’t as if this anti-left dodge is new. White leadership of the boomer generation, were it at all observant and honest would acknowledge this anti left dodge going on since the days of the John Birch society and National Review, Frank Meyer and his sons Ronald Reagan, Paul Gottfried, Pat Buchanan and Sam Francis – you don’t want to get too deep into any of those politics touching on race, that’s for liberal collectivist lefties, communists, and certainly not touching on the J.Q., that’s for Nazi collectivists.
Generation internet bubble doesn’t have much excuse for falling for it, as it would take just a modicum of research outside of their right wing boomer fed internet bubble; outside of its direct feed by an umbilical chord from boomer generation sell-outs like David Duke, who have even less excuse to not know better, or to pretend not to, and to take the pay off in one way or another, to keep WN associated with the right and against the so called left.
Nevertheless, I have to be very careful to not allow my shift to White left ethnonationalism be pigeonholed as having one source, because that is what these right wingers, especially the STEM types, are going to try to do in order to try to dismiss it, trivialize it or claim it as reinventing their wheel to redirect in their foolish, right wing way.
It is just to say that reinforcing clues leading to the inference of White Left Ethnonationalism have come even through most prolific White advocates, as they have being critical of “the right” –
TT Metzger was the first advocate of Whites to open that gate for me, so to speak, to look critically at the right for his disillusionment with the likes of the John Birch society, the KKK, Christianity and other influences and White right figures… to legitimize punching right in White interests, if need be; furthermore, as a loyal friend of The Order of Bob Mathews and David Lane – one can see not only where he joined commitment to the 14 Words, but also joined in a tributary of skepticism and criticism of the right at the same time, recognizing an incompetent position for White advocacy.

Now, I want you all to consder this: The 14 Words of David Lane are taken, quite correctly, as one of the most, if not the most prominant and important statements of White advocacy. It places David Lane and his words right at the center of White advocacy. Here’s David Making the statement himself:
31:00 – 1:00
David Lane: It is my belief that for any sane White man today, there is no other issue than these fourteen words: We must secure the existence of our people and a future for White children. These fourteen words are the sacred battle cry in the remaining White world…
White advocates could look even to Order member David Lane, the progenitor of this most essential rallying cry, the 14 Words, as providing a sort of permission first of all, to not have to identify as right-wing in their advocacy; and to not be afraid to quote, “punch right”, if that’s what it takes to defend and advocate Whites properly.
Now I want you to hear from David himself, what he had to say about the right and particularly about the White right wing.
57:17 – 59:40
David Lane: The average person in this country has never been exposed to any truths in their entire life.
Meredith: But your literature and literature of like-minded people is out there and some might argue that the average person has been exposed and has discounted it.
David Lane: No, not my literature.
Meredith Viero: Because if it’s the truth, why was…
David Lane; Just a minute. You’ll find no relationship between my literature and what you call, right wing and conservatives.
I consider the likes of a Rush Limbaugh to be the worst enemy my race could ever live to see. And even in the White, I think they call movement, I don’t
You’ll find that even in the White, mythical movement ..I don’t think you’ll find much relationship between what I teach and what they teach.
Meredith Viero: But the ultimate goal is the same, in the White, as you call it, movement,and your
David Lane: Maybe it is. I can’t read the minds of these people. I don’t know why, but…if you could have been privy to what
I’ve been through for 20 years, 30 years total in in the so-called right wing, and seen the absolute insane idiocy of these people you’d have to know- Maybe the movement, so-called, is run by the enemy. I don’t know.But they have fantasies- You ever heard of a guy named Jim Wickstrom? He made up fantasies about how 200 million Mongolian horsemen were riding their steeds across the Alaskan tundra to attack America.
Another one, a retired Colonel, had a fantasy about millions of Mexican Communists hiding in tunnels waiting to attack us. It’s a kind of insane asylum (laughs).
Don’t accuse me of having anything to do with the right-wing or even White- it’s time for something new now.
Meredith: But then that would suggest that the movement is pretty powerless.
David Lane: Boy, you said it for me. There is no movement.
Now that’s David Lane speaking. Please start to get a clue, any White advocate, that maybe its not necessary to identify as right wing. And I hope that you will please take further clues that our enemies want us to identify as ring, moreover, for us to Not identify as a White Left.
The reason there is no movement is because White activism has been confused, its agency paralyzed not only by perfidy in identity with the right, with its destabilizing and unaccountable, reactionary rigidity, its speculative perfidy; but also by aversion, riddled by paradoxical injunctions fostered by our enemies, obfuscating the benign and helpful organizing concepts deeper beneath the ordinary language of the left – associating it superficially, paradoxically and repugnantly, with liberalization of racial and national borders.

There is No White movement, David Lane said. And the reason there is no movement is because it organizing principle is paralyzed beneath this semantic paradox which directs contradictory performance requirements, attributing to union activism a liberal motive to open bounds and borders, whereas the left, more fundamentally is about exclusionary unionization – yes, applied to a racial and ethnonational level it would liberalize antagonistic lines between classes and bounds within the ethnonation, including hard pressed workers and those marginalized, but most fundamentally, and importantly, on the racial and national level it would shore up bounds and borders.
Benign and helpful social organizing concepts and ideas of human nature deeper beneath the ordinary language of the left have been covered up with repugnant and paradoxic association.
Buried and confused, social and agentive conceptions of the left are made repugnant to Whites by the distortions, downright misrepresentation and weaponization of agentive and social unionization in Marxist internationalism and its later day YKW permutation of ant-White PC; with its assault on White bounds and borders – most essentially weaponinizing a contradiction in the fusing of left and liberalism, which are really opposites in essence and identification.
By otherwise fusing the contradiction of liberalism and left organization, and aligning the reaction with the social group destabilizing, unaccountable, disorganizing identity as right, we are prevented as a social system from sufficient advocacy and homeostasis.
Though Lane was correct to be critical of the right, he was not going in a sufficiently radical direction as a third postionist, as that ultimately obstructs social correctability by including objectivist elements in disingenuousness or blind naivete, making way for entryism of enemies by means of objectivism’s rational blindness and in the quest for moral purity of the “traditions” by which they’ve deceived us, – our tradition of pure scientistic objectivity which blinded us to our relative and group interests; or forced the toleration of our so called tradtion of Christianity, already having provided a means to infiltrate and direct our narrative structure in the past. That is to say, third positionism, for its inclusion of right wing elements introduces the inherent instability that ultimately directs it back into right wing reaction.
Our enemies know that we shall remain weak or headlong and easily misdirected as right wingers or quote, neither right nor left, and potentially very stable and unbeatable as organized in a leftist conceptualization conceived in our interests, and that understanding of theirs is pivotal in their management of discourse against us.
Even so, we’re beginning to stave off the charge and even the fact of getting sucked in by the monocauslity that STEM types are so disposed to … and let me clarify first that in this case, I don’t mean the monocausality of the J.Q. – I mean the monocausality of a supposedly singular inspiration and influence for the idea of White Left Ethnonationalism, since it is not at all the case that there is a singular inspiration, reason or cause. Clearly, I was not “advised” by somebody in academia to take this position.
The concept of White Left Ethnonationalism doesn’t come as advised from Jewish academia – it doesn’t come as advised from any academia that I’ve known of. It comes as inference from various influences and sources both positive and negative.

Let’s look at some negative sources that should commend reverse inference to the position of White Left Ethnonationalism.
There are reasons why identification as right, far-right, alternative right, neither left nor right, third position, even Alt Left and Alt Center, anything but White left Ethnonationalism has been encouraged and even imposed on our identity and would-be advocacy; and why “THE LEFT” is portrayed as the grand enemy.
Look at how much effort the kosher friendly tent of the Regnery circus (until recently generally known as The Alt Right), Keith Preston, Robert Stark, Andy Nowicky, and others have gone through in order to subvert and divert from this White Left Nationalist position. That should tell you something.
There is a reason why Colin Liddell editor of the former Alternative Right, now called Affirmative Right, is encouraged to feature bracket (((John K. Press)))‘s Judeo-Christian”, quote, “culturalism” to promote a kosher version of Western civilization against The Left.
Looking critically at how the brackets themselves, such as The Rubin Report, define the left now as enemy, that should call particular critical attention to the stereotypes attributed to characterize this so called enemy position to all of us good, realistic people, who see things aright, the way the good YKW and right wingers do.
The Savage Hippie podcast with Edwin Oslan and David Cole Stein – why do you think these people are trying to rally people against the left?
Look at who the kosher Lauren Southern and others coming by way of Ezra Levant’s Rebel Media target – they see The left and these moniker that I never even heard of ten years ago, this kosher, madison avenue marketing term called Social Justice Warriors as the enemy.
Frame Games has been keen to assert his right wing arrival in so called red pilling (the supposedly cool term for supposedly awakening) against “the Left” and its so called “social justice warriors” because of their oppression of his purported love for the pure objective science and truth .. a concern for which would, ehem, Cohencidentally, conveniently, ostensibly, justify his people’s hegemony, awareness and resentment of which is to be buffered in his so called “heart right.”
Luke Ford, a Jewish convert and advocate of YKW , is another one who is highly active in promoting anti-leftism and anti-left Jewry as allies on the right with White nationalism.
Faithful tracing and attendance to this perspective will point to the elitist culpabilty of YKW and complicit right wing sell outs.
What do we do to close off the Kosher, internationalist definition and altercast of THE Left? With it, the liberal extrapolated contradiction that prohibits full White social classification as quote, “racist”? Well, we put White in front of it for one thing, availing ourselves of the deeper part of ordinary language that combines unionized delimitation as stipulated for Whites proper – as opposed to “international workers” or hard workers of just any color.
Unionization of Whites, their bounds, and White nations, their borders, closes-off liberalization as it should be
It undoes the absurd idea that “the left” necessarily advocates imposition of immigrants – only an internationalist, Marxist left would do that, all others would see it as scabbing.
Teasing apart liberalism and Left unionization applies to racial speciation as well – it would be seen as analogous to imperialist, feudalistic servant mastering exploitation and usurpation to liberalize the bounds of species on a biological level, imposition of invasive and predatory species, taking away natural exclusionary self defense. These things would not serving the “Leftist” good of rank and file, marginal or even elite Whites
And it should provide a clue of negative inference that our enemies have already joined Frame Games in a lame effort to head off that proposition – the stipulation of White unionzation by placing White before the term, White Left ethnonationalism, and that’s why it is extra important that we maintain this distinction between White and YKW – to see them as an outroup, not as friends and allies and to not allow them entryism or to define who our friends and enemies are or our terms.

Cohencidentally, they have already enlisted help, or rather a kid calling himself Alt-hype has taken it upon himself to discuss with Frame Games the means to try head off and subvert the White ethnonationalist Left https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DcajhGJa5-4 – telling Frame Games that he is going to advocate a “neither let nor right angle in days to come”, observing what I say that identifying as right puts us behind the 8-ball, and suggesting that some people are to paraphrase him, superficial enough to think that by adding the prefix White before a term that it does something. Well it does do something, it adds racial specification to the kind of Left unionization/classification and Nationalism as the group unit of left unionization as White – meaning of European extraction and if we are serous, honest and at all safe, non-Jewish.
So, how do we sort the term Left from liberalism, teasing apart the terms to stop their fusing in a contradiction that our enemies have weaponized against us (extending it beyond a classic liberal expectation of upper national classes being accountable to lower nationalist classes, which has been extrapolated by Marxists, other YKW and right wing sell outs who then disingenuously distort he notion of class bounds to blur the bounds of nation such that the whole nation is supposed to be accountable beyond the classificatory bounds of its nation, liberalizing its borders to open them to those of other nations formerly excluded) thereby confounding rupturing our organizational power?
We place the term White before the term Left and Ethnonationalism to definitively close off racial group bounds and internationalist borders; that ends the liberalist fusion; overcoming the inspired phobia of the term that the YKW have instilled with academic abuse, gross distortion, promulgated by their media – a fabrication of social conceptualizations as it has been weaponized against Whites.
We then avail ourselves to a sober, accurate and deeper ordinary language of the left, of White Left EthnoNationalist unionizing and coalition building, the type of organizational powers of left activism which provides for an ongoing accountability and attendance to bounds and borders, as opposed to our maintenance being stigmatized as our so called oppression of those supposedly marginalized by us, i.e., those who are not our marginals at all, but imposed as a matter of might makes right liberal bullying, members of other nations come to scab and take our social capital, to rupture our rank and file and worker’s unionization in defense; even to usurp our finest endowed, but with that unionized perspective we not only preclude scabbing of foreign nationals, we are also provided with a perspective of ongoing accountability and attendance to bounds and borders so that elite betrayal is headed off, as we disallow any unaccountable reasoning of their supposed objective merit to betray us by opening our bounds, that as right wing sell outs they are justified in aiding and abetting the YKW in Cohencidentally espousing their new position against left organization and vigilance against their elite exploitation, with the disingenuous right wing position that they have achieved on objective merit, hegemony in th 7 to 9 power niches, reaching particular hegemony after the 2008 financial melt down.
Objectivism, the objectivism of the right, which it loves to purport, is not only scary in its pretense of pure motive and lack of accountability, but like Christianity, a way in, a means of entryism for the YKW.
There is a reason why a Jared Taylor, so famously YKW amiable, who sees them as looking HuWhite to him, there is a reason why exponents like this want to maintain the enemy as the left, to maintain stereotypes of what this left is doing – “social constructionism says that race is just this optical illusion” – rather than allow us to distinguish a White, from a Jewish, internationalist left …there are obvious reasons why they want White people to be HuWhite people, to include YKW and to identify with the Right, as purveyors of quote, objective truth.
WN who consider themselves JQ vigilant observe that Jared Taylor Jared Taylor exposed https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oO30y3Vmqx8 and Paul Kersey espouse a platform to unite White and YKW/Zionist interests https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mirL15zZYNc , adopting the alt-right moniker at least so far as it served its purposes of putting the Zionist Trump into office, but as the Alt-Right term falls into disfavor, they’ll shift to some sort of neither left nor right thing that allows for YKW entryism nevertheless. At Majorityrights we’ve recognized that as an advanced stage of parasitism, with a disingenuous quid pro-quo to quasi White interests that has facilitated Donald Trump to do Zionist bidding; they will oppose a White Left ethnonationalism that opposes YKW inclusion or alliance.

I want you to think again and begin to re-consider the deep resource that the masters of discourse avail themselves of, which right wingers do not, as they take away our unionizing initialization.
So lets go a little deeper historically to dredge up how the broad public reacts to what is happening through the depths of ordinary language, the deep, shared resource that they have to interpret and respond to political discourse.
There are a few currents beneath ordinary language of The Left.
One current is confused due primarily to how the YKW and those finding right wing positions convenient have allowed the classical liberal position to be over extended and hyper-extended with Alinskyesque weaponization, “making them live up to their own rules” – i.e., making not only the White upper classes reach a hand beyond their class into the working classes, but having the White lower classes to live up to their own rules to share resources, by reaching a hand to those outside their class bounds, that is to say out side the national bounds – the notion of classical liberalism was taken by the Marxist international and other YKW, such as the PC of the Frankfurt school to extend the matter of liberalization of White upper class bounds as not only a matter of responsibility to lower class fellow White nationalists, but to liberalize even the bounds of working class and marginal Whites, to extend resources and liberalization even over the national classificatory bounds and borders.
This is where the YKW international Left, what I call the red left, has disingenuously fused liberalism and “the left” for their own anti-White, YKW and greater Zionist interests to diffuse their adversaries; but also convenient it’s been for Right wing sell outs to undermine and scab working class and marginal organization and resistance to their treachery.
Thus, liberal responsibility of the English upper classes to the lower classes, has been twisted by the YKW and handed to right wing sell outs to extend the notion of reaching across class lines to lord internationalism and anti-racism, another form of reaching across social classificaition, over the head of working class ethnonationals and marginals among an ethnonation, who would otherwise be able to organize and resist elite abuse and rank and file liberalism, resist scabbery as Left Ethnonationalists, as White Left Ethnonationalists.
Thus, when shabbos goy Andy Nowicky says “in America the left and liberalism are synonymous” it is true, these have been synonymous as disingenuously twisted by the aims of the YKW Left, but what he is conveniently (for the payoff, or out of cowardice) ignoring is the disingenuousness of this contradiction while he is also ignoring the fact that “the left” as enemy has only been the rage as a term of derision only since about 2008.
Again, ordinary language is a key resource among group understanding and they YKW have been playing this, what is a contradiction, against White interests for years, but its gone into overdrive since 2008, as they’ve come to predominate in all key power niches – thus, Left organization against them is their greatest concern, as it would turn attention to the injustice, their position and their large part in the destruction of systemic EGI and human ecology.

That’s why they’ve promulgated this anti-left campaign, wanting to maintain the confused association of left and liberalism, adding new campaigns, against “social justice warriors” – as opposed to our battle cry, the 14 words – after all, who wants social justice now that the YKW are so unjustly on top, imperiling where not already having destroyed the future of White children? Who opposes leftist unionization and accountability arrayed against them? They marshaled this phony movement called the Alt-Right to put their Zionist boy Trump into office, adding to the coup de gras for ZOG, while in America and Europe pitting Whites against their other enemies, Hispanics, Muslims and Asians who don’t give a fig about their historical sob stories.
Coming back to the wisdom of the language, as Heidegger calls it, and to the wisdom of ordinary language, as ordinary language philosophers call it.
We can resolve the YKW exploited contradiction of treating the Left and liberalism as synonymous.
The Internationalist left and its liberalism arrayed against our White bounds and borders as opposed to the White Ethnonationalist Left, with our nations conceptualized as unions – members and non members, bounds and borders.
The Marxist international left, is of course a Jewish left, which has found its way ultimately to organize facile unions and coalitions against White Nationalism. That means, in regard to the White classifications and national bounds, it prescribes liberalism of those bounds, not Leftism for us or our nations.
Because they have controlled the discourse and they are trying to destroy us, they are intent to maintain that contradictory, disorganizing definition, a double speak, left is liberal, liberal is left. ..and the right? They don’t organize in social classification, they adhere to facts and principles, social organization, that’s for supposedly dehumanizing, de-personalizing collectivists, that’s for leftist communists, you have your identity by your pure factual merit alone, without any of those lefty-social props.

So we return ordinary language once again for the most radical underpinning of the left – it is full group unionization – to maintain vigilance against elite betrayal also rank and file defection and scabbery – closing off liberalism in a word by accountability to union bounds.
A social group and a union is not the whole world.
Workers of the world unite, you say? – that’s still liberal with regard to White group and national bounds. Indeed it is and that’s why we add White and Ethnonational in front of Left, to make sure that we are talking about a White Left Ethnonationalism – it is not liberal, just the opposite, you are in the union or you are not – you are in favor for the union’s homeostasis, or you maintain the union, or you are liberal – these are opposites.
Left and liberal are no longer confused as they have been by the YKW and right wing sell outs.
We go further to exploit the ill defined position for its unpopularity, to take the moribund definition and breath life to define the White ethnonational left as we see fit:
While it recognizes that some assets are better state controlled and others not; It does not mean that there cannot be private property.
While it provides for the leverage of a social bottom line and safety net, it does not begrudge wealth and a great deal of free enterprise and individual liberty – in fact, recognizing an option for sex as monogamous sacrament as an important option, in that liberty. Just the option being there, even if absolutely practiced by a minority, its being there as an option adds reason to maintain loyalty to the group, to overcome cynicism …. it is almost better in its abstract form that it not be flouted in the name of empiricism, is important as a psychological resting place.
It is only most conservative of the national bounds – you may leave, but the nation might not take you back; or your children of another people.
It does not create conflict between so called working and upper classes, but rather integrates them in a common nationalist union.
It does not wall paper over the differences between different niche abilities and requirements, nor seek to view them through the quantifying false comparison of equality, but rather views niche roles as largely incommensurate, qualitatively complementary and respectfully symbiotic – it takes the same complementary, non supremacist disposition to other nations.
And here we come to some of the positives of White Left Ethnonationalism:
It provides a permanently stabilizing position to facilitate homeostasis of the group ecology, as it maintains accountability and vigilance on elite positions and potential betrayal and also accountability to and of rank and file for loyalty.
And it does this without rigidity as our people are recognized as having some freedom and agency in their maturity, for maintained as Aristotle’s praxis, in a corrective process of our ethne there, through the agency of social construction, social group classification and our place is maintained, and the ongoing relative gauge of group interests manage by hermeneutic circle, correcting between the rigor of empirical testing, and the perspective of imagination, the breadth and scope of the hypothesis, of the ideal and the vision that allows us to see our personal, relational social and bio-systemic, historical breadth and beyond, to realize our potential and beyond what we thought we could, yet remaining ensconced, appreciated and replenished in the restorative balance and correction of our social praxis, being there and sustained by time in memorial patterns both routine and and those that bear the reverence of sacrament.

White Left EthnoNationalism manages social construction and a hermeneutic circle, engaging the science of objective facts as need be, and maintaining its relevance among the broader hypothesis and relative interest of our group, taking broader systemic and historical perspective as well, as need be, on orientation and imaginative possibilities, or even the relief of impossibilities, as it were.
As such, it is not anti- nature or anti science, seeking to artificially apply concepts, the great stereotypes that would mischaracterize the working hypotheses of the White ethnonationalist left.
In this relative position, it provides for a freedom from the arbitrariness of Cartesian objectivism, providing individual and group accountability, coherence, agency, warrant and pervasive ecology by contrast.
And so we come full circle, where we can see why we are being told in all disingenuousness, all naivete, why there is this character perfectly consistent in its personalty and motives called the left and its doing this that and the other thing to us which is no good for us…
While the refer to gross distortions and abuses of social concepts, unionization, responsibility to workers and inclusion of marginals, social constructionism, hermenteutics, even liberalism we see…
They don’t want you to have a proper understanding, but rather the abused and misrepresented misunderstanding post modernity, as a proper understanding is a crucial idea to save our people, facilitating the negotiation of modernizing and inherited requirements,
There are many stereotypes that our enemies are propping up to provide a consistent, antagonistic and perfidious characterized opposition to our positive definition of the left, so that our people are turned off by such identification.
They tell us that the left is anti science, that hermeneutics is anti-science, when that is absolutely not true of the White Ethnonationalist Left.
They tell us that social constructionism and its correctable, participatory means of knowledge generation and agreement as to how it courts is nonsensical, that hermeneutics and its intent on verifiability is a means to evasion.
Then adherents to the right suppose that some magic hand somewhere above or buried deep within subhuman nature will provide guidance.
We supply verifiable hypotheses, maintaining that social groups, that our race and other races real, supplying the hypotheses for verifcation, and they say we are anti science; and trying not to test hypotheses, but to apply coercive, artificial concepts to nature.
As proponent of the current Jewish position attributing negative stereotypes to “The” Left defines the left right distinction, he says
Luke Ford: to be on the left is to take the perspective that human nature is almost perfectable and that people are basically good; and to be on the right is to take the perspective that human nature is deeply flawed and the natural tendency of human beings is to take the easy way out.
They want you to say that the left invariably hell bent on equality while they are soberly against it, dealing with truth, nature and reality.
That this is the essence of the distinction, that a White Left, its praxis, does not deal with reality, is not correctable, nothing could be further from the truth.

They want you to say that you are against equality, irrespective of incommensurable symbiotic qualities. they want you to say you are against equality, that looks odd.
They want you to say that you are against the diversity industry, and that you are for Abrahamic integration.
That you are a paleocon, like pat Buchanan, they want you to say that you are against multicultural sewer and for English speaking and Judeo Christian values for all.
That you are fore integration, multiculturalism isn’t working.
They want you to say that you are against social justice, in fact, you are against any social concern – that you are against sociology, the group unit of analysis, associating social concern with one thing, resources going to non-Whites.
Because you are not supposed to be left, the left is this stereotype of a bunch of anti natural anti factual things, propositions ….. they want you to say that the left is artificial and malevolent, social concerns are nonsense now that it serves the YKW interest to say so.
There’s another one, “the left” can’t meme, it’s not like we should have to tell people like Andy Nowicky that the YKW of Madison Ave have been cranking such supposedly funny memes for the right, outfits such as TRS…
They want their useful idiots, an Andy Nowicki to follow the paleocon line, diverting with ridiculous conspiracy theories – “pizzagate” – and their Madison Ave. marketed memes – such as, “the left can’t meme”, where as the Alt-Right can, and supposedly “dissident right” can. ..with Madison Ave. marketing firms cranking-out supposedly funny memes to the right, such as TRS.
By contrast to this nonsense, the antidote:
It has to be a White Left Ethnonational Position and not a third position, a centrist position. let alone some jewish promoted Alt left or center position, because those positions always allow entryism of destabilizing, arbitrarily leading objectivism, liberal ideology such as Christianity and the relatively good outliers of outroups such as YKW et al.
As opposed to this arbitrary foolishness, hermeneutics and social constructionism proper, White Post Modernity proper, allows for the ongoing homeostasis of White group systemics through White Left ethnoantionalism in coherence, accountability agency and warrant.
Whereas right wing objectivism or third positionism are Cartesian and naive, inherently unstable and susceptible to entryism and subversion.
Misdirection into minor and greater disasters is always a susceptibility of the right and alt right as they commit their epistemological blunder and to try to be purer and more natural than the social bracing of praxis and come off the hinges into disaster – come off the correctability into disaster.
Where as the praxis of the White ethnonational left provides for the circuit breakers and correction of social group systemic homeostasis in praxis.
The White ethnonational left also incentivizes participation – we’ll help you if you help us and are accountable – as opposed to taking the right wing disposition of hey, tough luck, might makes right, pick yourself up by your bootstraps – that’s life, that’s nature, just the way it is, “tough nuggets.”
By contrast in the White, EthnoNational left:
Unionized boundaries are provided for accountability in praxis and thereby for management of compassion for a moral order, human and pervasive ecology – it’s homeostasis.

They want you to make false comparisons, generating conflict with the disrespect of pseudo objectivity, to display it both in and out group, that stupid lack of compassion and accountability, the “just the way-it-isnness”, of right wing objectivism, that correctly turns people off and keeps a White movement from being popular and viable. ..and why on top of everything they want you to believe its a matter of sheer, right wing objective facticity that is the reason that they’re on top …. natural merit, no cooperation in relative social interests about it.
Those concerned for White interests might observe by negative inference from Taylor how right wing objectivism is encouraged to frighten and turn-off popular support – how right wing positions are encouraged as such with David Duke as well – Duke is an interesting case in how he operates – not selling out to the YKW directly but selling out to White right wingers who do sell out to YKW (he takes the pay off by means of corrupt elite support and popular support from audiences forever curbed in right-wingism, in their popular backing though seriously conflicted (in its sundry anti-social platforms) – encouraged to coddle the dead end stigma of Nazi apologetics and exoneration, the self sacrificing Abrahamic foolery of Christianity, the forever limited in popularity platform of objectivist leit brutality, its lack of accountability and lack of compassion granted support nevertheless exactly for giving Whites that bum steer AND for taking the quid pro quo to YKW interests of late by endorsing the Zionist Donald Trump – Prof Kevin MacDonald (except for not going so far in Nazi apologetics and exoneration) follows a near identical angle, among almost all White advocates these past few years who have adopted this altercast position as White advocates, right wing positioned against “THE Left.”
They provide just a few among a deluge of glaring examples that should not only send up red flags, but set sirens off – that there is something to look at here, not only in taking David Lane’s license to criticize and reject the Right label, not just by negative inference with Jared Taylor, Paul Kersey, or all the people who have flowed through Paul Gottfried’s Alt-Right school of anti-leftism, The TRS marketing scheme, the narratives provided by boomer sellouts like David Duke to feed generation internet bubble, that there might be something to look into there with a Left perspective, but not just the left perspective as they portray it and characterize it, as internationalist, but one that serves White interests, as White ethnonationalist, and defined by ourselves, availing ourselves of self definition as opposed to the stereotypes and misdirection that they attribute.
I could go on almost indefinitely with what are more like blatant signs than clues provided by key exponents of the Anti-Left, to those who would depict a characterized left as the enemy, in their dubious motives or misunderstanding (in the case of McDonald, the misunderstanding is a bit more naivete), I could go on indefinitely with examples of this promulgated anti-left platform for the sheer volume and dubious popularity of the “anti-left” play – an angle which, before 2008, had limited venues and a small stage, there was dubious popularity for the anti-left play, an angle which, before 2008, had a small stage with limited runs, greatly outbooked and overshadowed by shows about the enemy put on the PC and Liberal stage.
But again, negative inference is not the only source for inspiration and inference for the viability of a White Left Ethnonationalist position.

To cure this contradictory, oxymoronic definition of left as being synonymous with liberalism, we need to look at the history and go into the depth grammar, deeper still than the Alynsky-like extension of liberalism that Marxism and the cultural Marxism of the Frankfurt School has promoted, and go to an even deeper meaning of the left in ordinary language – which is unionization, thus delimitation and conserving of bounds and borders (the opposite of liberalization) to include a full group, such that accountability, fair sharing of resource and compassion is extended to all within the union; exploitation from liberalization of the bounds and borders, by rank and file and marginal scabbery so to speak, and betrayal by the elites is blocked – that is to say, as applied to the national level, the ethno-nation becomes one class, not a classes divided against each other, one arguing for “equality” the other on “objective merit” but rather, including all within the nation as being within the union, and all left nationalism’s within the coalition as participating in incommensurable niches, not to be falsely compared and competing, but respected as necessary for the complementary, symbiotic functioning of the whole group system and homeostasis in pervasive ecology.
How do we sort out the term Left from liberalism as our enemies have that contradiction weaponized (to over extend classic liberalism beyond upper national classes being accountable to lower nationalist classes) against our overall organizational power as a group, a coherent group? We place the term White Ethnonational before Left, so that becomes the ordinary language taken for granted – you have a White Ethnonational left which closes off the racial and internationalist liberalism and provides for the organizational powers of left activism, it also allows us the agency not only broadly, but allows us the agency to define what we mean by a White Leftism.
With that closing off, that unionization as it were, borders are secured, unwanted immigration is seen as a form of scabbing as it were, while racial imposition is seen for what it is: supremacism and exploitation headed-toward slavery.
But with that agency, social construction, hermeneutics and movement social unionization we begin to take away the stereotypes of this anthropomorphized character, this characterization that our enemies find most useful now, this mischarachtarization of the so called left and the things that IT is supposed to us, not our enemies, not our naive, not our traitors.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: Attributing a stereotype misrepresentation of our agency in social construction, the gross perversions of said theory in YKW academia, alleging that we claim that we can make just anything of our emergent qualities… ignoring that we say that race is real; that differences between people are real and important, they claim that we say that race is just some sort of optical illusion.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: Taking our verifiable and correctable hypotheses that our nation and race are real and attribute instead a false stereotype, giving us an altercast into right wing irresponsibility and saying that we are trying to impose artificial concepts upon nature and upon people, trying to coerce them.
The truth is anti racism is just this anti classification, just this anti social classification and discrimination on the basis of those classifications – denying us our working hypotheses: it is Cartesian, it is clearly not innocent, it is prejudice, it is hurting and it is killing people.

They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: That the heremeneutic circle that we use to negotiate that Cartesian divide between the empirical, and principle and concept, managing the empirical emergent factual world with broader systemic, historical hypothesis conceptualization and account is the means to deny science and reality when it is just the opposite, it is a means to manage our inherited forms and and ways and possibilities for improvement competently, as White Post Modernity provides for, against arbitrary input and in recognition of engagement of relative, group interests – social classifications which are not a fiction of the mind, as the empiricist Locke, had conceived.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: But we don’t allow them to put us in a position of being “against equality” and “social justice”, as objectivist, no account, “might makes right supremacists” when in fact we recognize incommensurate qualities and abilities in and between groups that are not to suffer quantifying false comparison and the reciprocal hostility it generates, but rather are to be appreciated and respected for their complementary symbiotic function of in-group homeostasis and inter-group coordination.
We are anti-supremacist and exploitation.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: But we don’t allow them to characterize us as being against diversity and multiculturalism and therefore, in ordinary language, for integration in their Mulatto Abrahamic following.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: That we supposedly deny individualism when we in fact provide for its authentic means.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: That we are supposedly against private property and wealth, we are supposedly jealous, when in fact we provide for its means and the justice that would maintain it proper, and great reward in life.
They apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: That we are supposedly in favor of immigration, when that is directly opposed to our unionized interests, scabbing our labor, usurping our social capital and resource; destroying the carrying capacity and pervasive ecology, rather we favor social accountability starting from our particular White unionized interests and coalitions, population and land resource carrying capacity management.
They apply the stereotype that we want the state to do everything: no, we most fundamentally want to control the borders, after that there is significant of flexibility as to what is best handled by the state or privately.
And they apply a stereotype of left conceptualization to us: A negative stereotype, that we are supposedly anti-nature, applying artificial constructs with absurd levels of individual agency, but they don’t know us, our fantastic properties of collective negotiation are just beginning:
We Are The White Class.

And wouldn’t you think it would occur to people that this thing called “the left”, this anthropomorphized character who is perfectly consistent in these things it does and wants, these artificial constructs that it wants to impose on us in perfect villainy emerged coincidentally, raising its ugly head to be beaten like a bobo doll by right wing reaction around 2008 and more and more ever since… they don’t want us to talk about I.Q. because we all know that’s why the YKW are on top, these jealous lefties can’t handle the race reality that the YKW have the highest group I.Q.
Now, there’s this anthropomorphized thing called THE LEFT and coincidentally since about 2008, more and more defenders of huWhite people have diagnosed this as the problem and coincidentally, so too have more and more YKW and well, just about anyone else who wanted to be promoted, to be popular….. where as in the days before 2008 and before the Internet, this was not so much recognized, there wasn’t so much recognition of the left as the problem, once in a blue moon there was someone who’d accuse an opponent of being far to the left, but communist, of course not, that was long ago laughably defeated, maybe a socialist, but then, to become popular that way was only to the status signalers and as a dog-whistle-legitimate-cause for Whites who didn’t want to be called racist for not voting democrat…of course you could risk coming out as just preferring the Republicans.. people would be bold enough to admit that they didn’t like the Democrats because they were the black people’s party but to admit that you voted Republican even though they only dog whistled to Whites and didn’t act in your interests was to admit that you were still a fool and that took even more guts.
Then it became PC that was the enemy, and indeed Marxist Left roots were recognized but the general moniker for the enemy remained, PC, but with increasing disclosure of Cultural Marxism and the Frankfurt school in its Jewishness, it was incumbent upon the Horowitzes to call those Jewish leftists to begin to help the paleocons to develop a new angle – against the Left entirely since PC was cutting too close to the bone.
There were some people who were more bold still, more honest, who would cite liberals as the problem – though it was a more accurate a designation of the enemy behavior and program as it applied to White group interests, it made you look funny, putting you and all your cool tastes aside and placing you in a pew along side people who wore bow ties and went to some weird denomination Christian church, or people who had these convoluted arguments to conserve liberalism – because the constitution was liberal – at least in its amended form, ad or its anti social classification Lockeatine civil rights, it certainly is, and certainly by way of civil rights – at that point it was all about liberal prerogative and nothing about conserving your group interest’s borders and boundaries, not for White people anyway; there are famous provisos for blacks and other minorities.

So, as an implicit White advocate, you might cite liberals as the enemy’s behavior most accurately proscribed and described, but you were advocating a position that conserved and objectivist constitution whereupon you could only hope, whistling in the dark right back at the fainter and fainter dog whistles amidst howling torrents of anti-White audacity that kept increasing despite the fact that you always thought it couldn’t get worse.
You just had to hope that you and the rest of the White guys were objectively better on all metrics, in all episodes despite the (increasing non-White competition that was illegal to discriminate against, depute the fact that they were going to be better and rewarded lavishly on some popular metrics that did not measure your best attributes as a White man… attributes for which you might even be punished) competition for the Constitution’s individual rights taken hyperbolic by anti-racism’s prohibition of group classification and discrimination, hush hush about dependence upon Unions that’s a concern for the black people’s party.
So, you could rail against these liberals and be a “conservative,” conserving the very liberal notion of rights which translated into making it virtually illegal to do anything about this, to discriminate on the basis of classification, especially with added hyperbolic YKW measures.
America, the land of liberal opportunity, self maximization for all – a competition of all individuals against all, isn’t that great? Its natural, like the right says, competition is natural and what makes us great and generates all accomplishments….. isn’t it?
How could you be such a communist, a collectivist, against the capitalist opportunity given you to free individual enterprise, that so many brave men have fought and died for?

What is your ethnic genetic interests, aren’t you an American?
How dare you not love America, as a man, not take advantage of its wonderful opportunities to achieve according to your objective merit as measured against everyone’s objective merit? How dare you not love the Constitution and its Amendments? Individual rights, Civil rights?
It’s impossible, Marxism is dead. Your position as a White American man is the envy of the world…. meanwhile your noticing something that you never used to see back in the seventies and mid 80s …
And you had to whistle in the dark, and hope that White girls would do the right thing, and date and marry White guys as they always had, despite the howling din of feminism and its increasing correspondence with anti-White man criticism throughout the seventies and 80’s, its implications finally bursting through the damn of popular acceptance/enforcement with Madonna’s Like a Prayer Video and the race-mixing propaganda, a nightmare of ever increasing White woman/black pairings modeled more and more through media, from porno, to movies and TV and even commercials.
Now by the 90s there were some people on our side… people who’d figured it out real good, like Pat Buchanan – we just needed to be done with this multicultural sewer, all speak English and adhere to our Judeo-Christian faith – be a paleocon!
Ok, Ok, so you couldn’t identify with Pat Buchanan any more than you could identify with any of the right wing groups that you were supposed to identify with if you didn’t want blacks imposed on you – KKK, regular Christians, weirder Christians still, Nazis, some sort of crazy militia men… hell, some of these people were calling women you could dream about not White because they had brown hair, a vowel on the end of their name and didn’t speak English….
Nevermind that a confederation of left ethnonationals preserves our differences, including among Whites.
When paleocon integration needs redressing and augmentation against the “left, its mulitculturaliams and diversity industry” call in bracket Frank Meyer’s paleocon heir, Paul Gottried to give it augmentation and a new look, Anything, Anything but the Left – lets call it that Alt Right and include anyone who has anti-social ideas – that will make sure White organization never goes anywhere…so when that fails as it inevitably would for the inherent instability of the right, its proneness to infiltration, anti-social reaction, etc, hail gait, unite the right, we’ll look for a real right then a real, real right .. allow for a bit of tears for Uncle Adolph, call in Frame games and his, quote heart right, Anything….
To maintain the crazy and stupid epistemological blunder lacking the social accountability and correctability of praxis, of
The White Class.